Despite denials, Stoll seems to believe that Indians who joined the revolutionary movement in the 1970s or participated in the beginnings of rural insurrections between 1970 and 1982 (not led or directed by the National Guatemalan Revolutionary Unity [Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca-URNG]) were not really capable of pursuing their own political agenda but were misled or used. Indians, like other poor people, are thus better understood as victims or dupes rather than historical agents. He also seems to believe that the presence of economically better-off rural or urban leaders or intermediaries (priests, nuns, missionaries, university and high school students, middle peasants, etc.) undermines a movement's claims to be fighting poverty, illiteracy, and inequality. More literate and educated people are always catalysts for social movements on behalf of the poor, disenfranchised, and dispossessed. Few social movements would qualify if we removed those led by individuals who came from more literate...