One of the nominee members, Mr. Dunlop, took me roundly to task for asserting that, through a mere “accident of law” about “treasure trove” being, as of old, the property of the Crown, the Government claimed to confiscate the constitutional rights of one-half of the colonists.  I “explained.”  But the situation really explained itself.  The common-sense, as well as the political attainment of the day, could not possibly tolerate such an application of “Old Black Letter” to the entirely novel and unanticipated circumstances of these great and populous goldfields.  The elected members were compelled to threaten the only course which appeared legally open to them—­namely, that of not voting the supplies, if the goldfields regulations, and receipts and expenditure, all of which the Government had claimed as entirely their own independent matter, were not of reasonable and suitable character, and in accordance with the colonial representatives’ views.  At the last, however, there was happily mutual agreement.

The “Protection Question” was early brought on, of course from Geelong, by my worthy old friend J.F.  Strachan, its member, and both its income and, for that time, its exit, were amusing.  “Why lose so much revenue in order to set up colonial brandy-making?” he was asked; “was the domestic article we were to make such sacrifice for to be superior to the imported?” “On the contrary,” he replied; “it was because it would be inferior, and must therefore be thus bonused against the superiority of the rival import.”  So then we were to lose revenue, and pay a higher price, in order to substitute bad liquor for good.  Let us still keep to the better quality at the lower price.  So the proposal was laughed out, Strachan himself, with his usual good humour, joining in the laugh.

It would be “supererogation” to go into our early legislation, which is familiar to the colony in a hundred publications, besides the fact that I have touched already on some of the prominent subjects or questions in which I myself took a part, such as the movement against transportation, the new and rather startling course in “The Convicts Prevention Act,” and the first Gold Commission.  I have therefore exhausted my subject, so far as it is properly my own, and must hasten to take my leave.  When I first thought of this work for the delightfully complete leisure and repose of a long voyage, I feared that I might find but little to say of matters of a retrospect approaching two generations.  But seated at last with pen in hand, and with memory stirred up, I had ere long to exercise mercy towards my expected readers, in sifting the surging crowd of recollections, so as to keep to such as might have general interest.  I hope I have reasonably succeeded; and if I have also contributed, in however small a degree, to the information, interest, or amusement of my old friends and fellow-colonists, I shall be abundantly repaid.

William Westgarth.