and the Holy Ghost descends in the form of a dove.
But if the Committee of the Privy Council, or the
Lord Chamberlain, or anyone else, were to attempt to
keep Parsifal from us to spare the feelings of these
people, it would not be long before even the most
thoughtless champions of the censorship would see
that the principle of doing nothing that could shock
anybody had reduced itself to absurdity. No quarter
whatever should be given to the bigotry of people so
unfit for social life as to insist not only that their
own prejudices and superstitions should have the fullest
toleration but that everybody else should be compelled
to think and act as they do. Every service in
St. Paul’s Cathedral is an outrage to the opinions
of the congregation of the Roman Catholic Cathedral
of Westminster. Every Liberal meeting is a defiance
and a challenge to the most cherished opinions of
the Unionists. A law to compel the Roman Catholics
to attend service at St. Paul’s, or the Liberals
to attend the meetings of the Primrose League would
be resented as an insufferable tyranny. But a
law to shut up both St. Paul’s and the Westminster
Cathedral; and to put down political meetings and
associations because of the offence given by them
to many worthy and excellent people, would be a far
worse tyranny, because it would kill the religious
and political life of the country outright, whereas
to compel people to attend the services and meetings
of their opponents would greatly enlarge their minds,
and would actually be a good thing if it were enforced
all round. I should not object to a law to compel
everybody to read two newspapers, each violently opposed
to the other in politics; but to forbid us to read
newspapers at all would be to maim us mentally and
cashier our country in the ranks of civilization.
I deny that anybody has the right to demand more from
me, over and above lawful conduct in a general sense,
than liberty to stay away from the theatre in which
my plays are represented. If he is unfortunate
enough to have a religion so petty that it can be
insulted (any man is as welcome to insult my religion,
if he can, as he is to insult the universe) I claim
the right to insult it to my heart’s content,
if I choose, provided I do not compel him to come
and hear me. If I think this country ought to
make war on any other country, then, so long as war
remains lawful, I claim full liberty to write and perform
a play inciting the country to that war without interference
from the ambassadors of the menaced country.
I may “give pain to many worthy people, and
pleasure to none,” as the Censor’s pet
phrase puts it: I may even make Europe a cockpit
and Asia a shambles: no matter: if preachers
and politicians, statesmen and soldiers, may do these
things—if it is right that such things should
be done, then I claim my share in the right to do
them. If the proposed Committee is meant to prevent
me from doing these things whilst men of other professions
are permitted to do them, then I protest with all