soldiers and National Guards, who kept back an immense
multitude, I had constantly amid the various shouts
caught one of “Down with traitors,” which,
at first, I did not understand. I had been so
far away. But it was explained to me that this
demonstration was aimed at my father and his ministers,
guilty as they were of having refused to launch France
into a general war about the Eastern question.
I fancy my father troubled his head little about these
would-be-wise demonstrators, worthy forerunners of
the Boulevard braggarts who, at a later date, in 1870,
so appositely shouted “a Berlin.”
He had other matters to preoccupy him. The ease
with which all the Governments in Europe had leagued
themselves together, to inflict a moral check on France,
under cover of the Pasha of Egypt, betrayed the latent
hostility of all those powers to our own country.
Let us say it outright. In the eyes of the European
monarchies, the Government of July, by virtue of its
origin, and however wise and courageous the policy
of the King, my father, might have been, had always
remained a revolutionary, and therefore a hostile
government Nothing else was possible; and so at bottom
it always will be, as long as we continue to run in
the rut along which we have been floundering for the
last hundred years. Look at any country in Europe,
no matter which, and see against whom the established
Government carries on the domestic struggle.
Against Nihilists in Russia, Socialists in Germany,
anarchists and unquiet spirits of all kind everywhere,
imitations of those of our own country, and by them
encouraged to press on the same course of demand,
and spoliation, and licence. And hence the necessary
consequence, that sovereigns and organized societies,
whose first desire is to exist, and neither to be
overthrown nor despoiled, are always ready to make
common cause against that hotbed of bad example, Revolutionary
France. The events of 1840 showed this with the
utmost clearness; and in face of that demonstration
the path of duty lay clear. It was to lose no
time in taking, without boastfulness, but also without
weakness, all the necessary measures against the danger
which was constantly threatening, although for the
moment it was warded off. Among these measures
was one my father passionately desired, and which
he snatched from the Chambers by sheer tenacity—the
fortification of Paris. This tenacity was necessary,
for the struggle was long, bitter, and inexplicable
While it lasted the heroes of the cafes greeted my
father in the streets and at reviews with insulting
shouts. The cry, “Down with the Bastille,”
had succeeded that of “Down with traitors,”
and all the fainthearted section would have knuckled
down. All the energy of the King, of my brother
the Due d’Orleans—as eager as himself
on the question—and of the ministers, was
needed to bring them back into fighting line.
The aid too of those patriots of all shades—and
thank God there still are some such!—who
put national independence and honour above party questions,
had to be invoked. And so Paris was fortified
Who dares nowadays to say, that this was not a convincing
proof of the King’s foresight as a ruler?
Who dares to say, that if hesitation, and desultoriness,
and incapacity, and evil chance, had not clung to
the command of our armies in 1870, the German invasion
might not have been broken up upon those ramparts?