hazardous” march around Hooker’s flank,
he ought, by all rules of war, to have been destroyed,
but when he was not he upset all Hooker’s calculations,
and that therefore Hooker was forced to retreat,—it
is quite beyond my ability to reply. When Gen.
Sickles throws the blame upon Howard for the defeat
of the Eleventh Corps, by reading the 9.30 A.M. order,
without saying one word about Hooker’s actions,
change of plans, and despatches from that hour till
the attack at 6 P.M., he makes any thinking man question
seriously the sincerity of what he calls history.
When Gen. Butterfield indulges in innuendoes against
Gen. Meade, whose chief of staff he was, and insults
his memory in the effort to exculpate the Third Corps
from a charge no one has ever made, or thought of
making, against it, the fair-minded can only wonder
why he goes out of his way to call any one to task
for criticising Hooker. Not one word was spoken
on Fast Day which does not find its full and entire
answer in the already published works on Chancellorsville.
It was all a mere re-hash, and poorly cooked at that.
To rely on the four reasons given by the Committee
on the Conduct of the War as a purgation of Hooker
from responsibility for our defeat at Chancellorsville,
simply deserves no notice. It is all of a piece
with the discussion of the Third-Corps fight at Gettysburg
on July 2. No one ever doubted that the Third
Corps fought, as they always did, like heroes that
day. What has been alleged is merely that Sickles
did not occupy and protect Little Round Top, as he
would have done if he had had the military coup d’oeil.
Now, I desire to compare with Hooker’s recorded
words, and the utterances of Fast Day, the actual
performance, and see what “loyalty to Hooker,”
as voted in Music Hall, means. Chancellorsville
bristles with points of criticism, and there are some
few points of possible disagreement. Of the
latter the principal ones upon which Hooker’s
formal apologists rely, are the destruction of the
Eleventh Corps through Howard’s alleged carelessness,
and the failure of Sedgwick to perform the herculean
task assigned to him in coming to Hooker’s support.
Allowing, for the moment, that Howard and Sedgwick
were entirely at fault, and eliminating these two
questions entirely from the issue, let us see what
Hooker himself did, bearing in mind that he has officially
acknowledged that he knew, substantially, the number
of Lee’s army, and bearing also in mind that
the following are facts which can be disputed only
by denying the truth and accuracy of all the reports,
Federal and Confederate, taken as a body; and these
happen to dovetail into each other in one so consistent
whole, that they leave to the careful student none
but entirely insignificant items open to doubt.