This observation, which seemed to meet with a general assent, was to Austen more mystifying than ever.  He laughed.

“Gentlemen,” he said, “I feel as though some expression of thanks were due you for this kind and most unexpected reception.”  Here a sudden seriousness came into his eyes which served, somehow, only to enhance his charm of manner, and a certain determined ring into his voice.  “You have all referred to a condition of affairs,” he added, “about which I have thought a great deal, and which I deplore as deeply as you do.  There is no doubt that the Northeastern Railroads have seized the government of this State for three main reasons:  to throttle competition; to control our railroad commission in order that we may not get the service and safety to which we are entitled,—­so increasing dividends; and to make and maintain laws which enable them to bribe with passes, to pay less taxes than they should, and to manipulate political machinery.”

“That’s right,” said Mr. Jarley of Wye, with a decided emphasis.

“That’s the kind of talk I like to hear,” exclaimed Mr. Terry.

“And nobody’s had the gumption to fight ’em,” said Mr. Widgeon.

“It looks,” said Austen, “as though it must come to a fight in the end.  I do not think they will listen to reason.  I mean,” he added, with a flash of humour, “that they will listen to it, but not act upon it.  Gentlemen, I regret to have to say, for obvious reasons, something which you all know, that my father is at the head of the Northeastern machine, which is the Republican party organization.”

There was a silence.

“You went again’ him, and we honour you for it, Austen,” said Mr. Redbrook, at length.

“I want to say,” Austen continued, “that I have tried to look at things as Mr. Vane sees them, and that I have a good deal of sympathy for his point of view.  Conditions as they exist are the result of an evolution for which no one man is responsible.  That does not alter the fact that the conditions are wrong.  But the railroads, before they consolidated, found the political boss in power, and had to pay him for favours.  The citizen was the culprit to start with, just as he is the culprit now, because he does not take sufficient interest in his government to make it honest.  We mustn’t blame the railroads too severely, when they grew strong enough, for substituting their own political army to avoid being blackmailed.  Long immunity has reenforced them in the belief that they have but one duty to pay dividends.  I am afraid,” he added, “that they will have to be enlightened somewhat as Pharaoh was enlightened.”

“Well, that’s sense, too,” said Mr. Widgeon; “I guess you’re the man to enlighten ’em.”

“Moderate talk appeals to me,” declared Mr. Jarley.

“And when that fails,” said Mr. Terry, ‘hard, tellin’ blows.”

“Don’t lose track of the fact that we’ve got our eye on you,” said Mr. Emerson of Oxford, who had a blacksmith’s grip, and came back to renew it after he had put on his overshoes.  He was the last to linger, and when the door had closed on him Austen turned to Mr. Redbrook.