“Mr. Speaker, I rise to protest against this bill, which in my opinion is not so innocent as the gentleman from St. Helen’s would have the House believe.  It is on a par, indeed, with other legislation that in past years has been engineered through this legislature under the guise of beneficent law.  No, not on a par.  It is the most arrogant, the most monstrous example of special legislation of them all.  And while I do not expect to be able to delay its passage much longer than the time I shall be on my feet—­”

“Then why not sit down?” came a voice, just audible.

As he turned swiftly toward the offender his profile had an eagle-like effect that startled me, seemingly realizing a new quality in the man.  It was as though he had needed just the stimulus of that interruption to electrify and transform him.  His awkwardness disappeared; and if he was a little bombastic, a little “young,” he spoke with the fire of conviction.

“Because,” he cried, “because I should lose my self-respect for life if I sat here and permitted the political organization of a railroad, the members of which are here under the guise of servants of the people, to cow me into silence.  And if it be treason to mention the name of that Railroad in connection with its political tyranny, then make the most of it.”  He let go of the desk, and tapped the copy of the bill.  “What are the facts?  The Boyne Iron Works, under the presidency of Adolf Scherer, has been engaged in litigation with the Ribblevale Steel Company for some years:  and this bill is intended to put into the hands of the attorneys for Mr. Scherer certain information that will enable him to get possession of the property.  Gentlemen, that is what ‘legal practice’ has descended to in the hands of respectable lawyers.  This device originated with the resourceful Mr. Theodore Watling, and if it had not had the approval of Mr. Miller Gorse, it would never have got any farther than the judiciary committee.  It was confided to the skillful care of Colonel Paul Varney to be steered through this legislature, as hundreds of other measures have been steered through,—­without unnecessary noise.  It may be asked why the Railroad should bother itself by lending its political organization to private corporations?  I will tell you.  Because corporations like the Boyne corporation are a part of a network of interests, these corporations aid the Railroad to maintain its monopoly, and in return receive rebates.”

Krebs had raised his voice as the murmurs became louder.  At this point a sharp-faced lawyer from Belfast got to his feet and objected that the gentleman from Elkington was wasting the time of the House, indulging in hearsay.  His remarks were not germane, etc.  The Speaker rapped again, with a fine show of impartiality, and cautioned the member from Elkington.

“Very well,” replied Krebs.  “I have said what I wanted to say on that score, and I know it to be the truth.  And if this House does not find it germane, the day is coming when its constituents will.”