case is purely hypothetical; local jealousy forbids its occurrence.  There are rival provinces, far more concerned in the prosecution of their rivalry than in the choice of a right man for king.  If one of these shall have bestowed its name on competitor A, it will be the signal and the sufficient reason for the other to bestow its name on competitor B or C. The majority of Savaii and that of Aana are thus in perennial opposition.  Nor is this all.  In 1881, Laupepa, the present king, held the three names of Malietoa, Natoaitele, and Tamasoalii; Tamasese held that of Tuiaana; and Mataafa that of Tuiatua.  Laupepa had thus a majority of suffrages; he held perhaps as high a proportion as can be hoped in these distracted islands; and he counted among the number the preponderant name of Malietoa.  Here, if ever, was an election.  Here, if a king were at all possible, was the king.  And yet the natives were not satisfied.  Laupepa was crowned, March 19th; and next month, the provinces of Aana and Atua met in joint parliament, and elected their own two princes, Tamasese and Mataafa, to an alternate monarchy, Tamasese taking the first trick of two years.  War was imminent, when the consuls interfered, and any war were preferable to the terms of the peace which they procured.  By the Lackawanna treaty, Laupepa was confirmed king, and Tamasese set by his side in the nondescript office of vice-king.  The compromise was not, I am told, without precedent; but it lacked all appearance of success.  To the constitution of Samoa, which was already all wheels and no horses, the consuls had added a fifth wheel.  In addition to the old conundrum, “Who is the king?” they had supplied a new one, “What is the vice-king?”

Two royal lines; some cloudy idea of alternation between the two; an electorate in which the vote of each province is immediately effectual, as regards itself, so that every candidate who attains one name becomes a perpetual and dangerous competitor for the other four:  such are a few of the more trenchant absurdities.  Many argue that the whole idea of sovereignty is modern and imported; but it seems impossible that anything so foolish should have been suddenly devised, and the constitution bears on its front the marks of dotage.

But the king, once elected and nominated, what does he become?  It may be said he remains precisely as he was.  Election to one of the five names is significant; it brings not only dignity but power, and the holder is secure, from that moment, of a certain following in war.  But I cannot find that the further step of election to the kingship implies anything worth mention.  The successful candidate is now the Tupu o Samoa—­much good may it do him!  He can so sign himself on proclamations, which it does not follow that any one will heed.  He can summon parliaments; it does not follow they will assemble.  If he be too flagrantly disobeyed, he can go to war.  But so he could before, when