to the State which I represent here. I have an
allegiance to those who have entrusted their interests
to me, which every consideration of faith and of duty,
which every feeling of honor, tells me is above all
other political considerations. I trust I shall
never find my allegiance there and here in conflict.
God forbid that the day should ever come when to be
true to my constituents is to be hostile to the Union.
If, sir, we have reached that hour in the progress
of our institutions, it is past the age to which the
Union should have lived. If we have got to the
point when it is treason to the United States to protect
the rights and interests of our constituents, I ask
why should they longer be represented here? why longer
remain a part of the Union? If there is a dominant
party in this Union which can deny to us equality,
and the rights we derive through the Constitution;
if we are no longer the freemen our fathers left us;
if we are to be crushed by the power of an unrestrained
majority, this is not the Union for which the blood
of the Revolution was shed; this is not the Union I
was taught from my cradle to revere; this is not the
Union in the service of which a large portion of my
life has been passed; this is not the Union for which
our fathers pledged their property, their lives, and
sacred honor. No, sir, this would be a central
Government, raised on the destruction of all the principles
of the Constitution, and the first, the highest obligation
of every man who has sworn to support that Constitution
would be resistance to such usurpation. This is
my position.
My colleague has truly represented the people of Mississippi
as ardently attached to the Union. I think he
has not gone beyond the truth when he has placed Mississippi
one of the first, if not the first, of the States
of the Confederation in attachment to it. But,
sir, even that deep attachment and habitual reverence
for the Union, common to us all—even that,
it may become necessary to try by the touchstone of
reason. It is not impossible that they should
unfurl the flag of disunion. It is not impossible
that violations of the Constitution and of their rights,
should drive them to that dread extremity. I
feel well assured that they will never reach it until
it has been twice and three times justified.
If, when thus fully warranted, they want a standard
bearer, in default of a better, I am at their command.—(Cong.
Globe, p. 995-6)
On Fourth of July,
1858, At Sea.
[From the Boston Post.]
The fine ship Joseph Whitney, from Baltimore,
Captain S. Howes, was making for this port on the
day of the celebration of the nation’s birth,
and among an unusually brilliant array of passengers
from different parts of the country, was the distinguished
Senator, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi. The
patriotic suggestion of the captain, to celebrate
the day in a manner befitting the great anniversary,
met with a hearty response from the company, among
whom were zealous republicans, democrats and Americans.
A committee was appointed to invite the Senator to
make an address, and he consented.