In Central America, too, the cause of freedom is being tested.  And our resolve is being tested there as well.  Here, especially, the world is watching to see how this nation responds.  Today over 90 percent of the people of Latin America live in democracy.  Democracy is on the march in Central and South America.  Communist Nicaragua is the odd man out—­suppressing the church, the press, and democratic dissent and promoting subversion in the region.  We support diplomatic efforts, but these efforts can never succeed if the Sandinistas win their war against the Nicaraguan people.

Our commitment to a Western Hemisphere safe from aggression did not occur by spontaneous generation on the day that we took office.  It began with the Monroe Doctrine in 1823 and continues our historic bipartisan American policy.  Franklin Roosevelt said we “are determined to do everything possible to maintain peace on this hemisphere.”  President Truman was very blunt:  “International communism seeks to crush and undermine and destroy the independence of the Americas.  We cannot let that happen here.”  And John F. Kennedy made clear that “Communist domination in this hemisphere can never be negotiated.”  Some in this Congress may choose to depart from this historic commitment, but I will not.

This year we celebrate the second century of our Constitution.  The Sandinistas just signed theirs 2 weeks ago, and then suspended it.  We won’t know how my words tonight will be reported there for one simple reason:  There is no free press in Nicaragua.  Nicaraguan freedom fighters have never asked us to wage their battle, but I will fight any effort to shut off their lifeblood and consign them to death, defeat, or a life without freedom.  There must be no Soviet beachhead in Central America.

You know, we Americans have always preferred dialog to conflict, and so, we always remain open to more constructive relations with the Soviet Union.  But more responsible Soviet conduct around the world is a key element of the U.S.-Soviet agenda.  Progress is also required on the other items of our agenda as well—­real respect for human rights and more open contacts between our societies and, of course, arms reduction.

In Iceland, last October, we had one moment of opportunity that the Soviets dashed because they sought to cripple our Strategic Defense Initiative, SDI.  I wouldn’t let them do it then; I won’t let them do it now or in the future.  This is the most positive and promising defense program we have undertaken.  It’s the path, for both sides, to a safer future—­a system that defends human life instead of threatening it.  SDI will go forward.  The United States has made serious, fair, and far-reaching proposals to the Soviet Union, and this is a moment of rare opportunity for arms reduction.  But I will need, and American negotiators in Geneva will need, Congress’ support.  Enacting the Soviet negotiating position into American law would not be the way to win a good agreement.  So, I must tell you in this Congress I will veto any effort that undercuts our national security and our negotiating leverage.