For until the bill is signed, its investment incentives cannot be deemed certain, and the withholding rate cannot be reduced—­and the most damaging and devastating thing you can do to any businessman in America is to keep him in doubt and to keep him guessing on what our tax policy is.  And I say that we should now reduce to 14 percent instead of 15 percent our withholding rate.

I therefore urge the Congress to take final action on this bill by the first of February, if at all possible.  For however proud we may be of the unprecedented progress of our free enterprise economy over the last 3 years, we should not and we cannot permit it to pause.

In 1963, for the first time in history, we crossed the 70 million job mark, but we will soon need more than 75 million jobs.  In 1963 our gross national product reached the $600 billion level—­$100 billion higher than when we took office.  But it easily could and it should be still $30 billion higher today than it is.

Wages and profits and family income are also at their highest levels in history—­but I would remind you that 4 million workers and 13 percent of our industrial capacity are still idle today.

We need a tax cut now to keep this country moving.  V.

For our goal is not merely to spread the work.  Our goal is to create more jobs.  I believe the enactment of a 35-hour week would sharply increase costs, would invite inflation, would impair our ability to compete, and merely share instead of creating employment.  But I am equally opposed to the 45- or 50-hour week in those industries where consistently excessive use of overtime causes increased unemployment.

So, therefore, I recommend legislation authorizing the creation of a tripartite industry committee to determine on an industry-by-industry basis as to where a higher penalty rate for overtime would increase job openings without unduly increasing costs, and authorizing the establishment of such higher rates.  VI.

Let me make one principle of this administration abundantly clear:  All of these increased opportunities—­in employment, in education, in housing, and in every field—­must be open to Americans of every color.  As far as the writ of Federal law will run, we must abolish not some, but all racial discrimination.  For this is not merely an economic issue, or a social, political, or international issue.  It is a moral issue, and it must be met by the passage this session of the bill now pending in the House.

All members of the public should have equal access to facilities open to the public.  All members of the public should be equally eligible for Federal benefits that are financed by the public.  All members of the public should have an equal chance to vote for public officials and to send their children to good public schools and to contribute their talents to the public good.

Today, Americans of all races stand side by side in Berlin and in Viet Nam.  They died side by side in Korea.  Surely they can work and eat and travel side by side in their own country.  VII.