These programs help people; and, by helping people, they help freedom.  The views of their governments may sometimes be very different from ours—­but events in Africa, the Middle East, and Eastern Europe teach us never to write off any nation as lost to the Communists.  That is the lesson of our time.  We support the independence of those newer or weaker states whose history, geography, economy or lack of power impels them to remain outside “entangling alliances”—­as we did for more than a century.  For the independence of nations is a bar to the Communists’ “grand design”—­it is the basis of our own.

In the past year, for example, we have urged a neutral and independent Laos—­regained there a common policy with our major allies—­and insisted that a cease-fire precede negotiations.  While a workable formula for supervising its independence is still to be achieved, both the spread of war—­which might have involved this country also—­and a Communist occupation have thus far been prevented.

A satisfactory settlement in Laos would also help to achieve and safeguard the peace in Viet-Nam—­where the foe is increasing his tactics of terror—­where our own efforts have been stepped up—­and where the local government has initiated new programs and reforms to broaden the base of resistance.  The systematic aggression now bleeding that country is not a “war of liberation”—­for Viet-Nam is already free.  It is a war of attempted subjugation—­and it will be resisted.

IX.  THE ATLANTIC COMMUNITY

Finally, the united strength of the Atlantic Community has flourished in the last year under severe tests.  NATO has increased both the number and the readiness of its air, ground, and naval units—­both its nuclear and non-nuclear capabilities.  Even greater efforts by all its members are still required.  Nevertheless our unity of purpose and will has been, I believe, immeasurably strengthened.

The threat to the brave city of Berlin remains.  In these last 6 months the Allies have made it unmistakably clear that our presence in Berlin, our free access thereto, and the freedom of two million West Berliners would not be surrendered either to force or through appeasement—­and to maintain those rights and obligations, we are prepared to talk, when appropriate, and to fight, if necessary.  Every member of NATO stands with us in a common commitment to preserve this symbol of free man’s will to remain free.

I cannot now predict the course of future negotiations over Berlin.  I can only say that we are sparing no honorable effort to find a peaceful and mutually acceptable resolution of this problem.  I believe such a resolution can be found, and with it an improvement in our relations with the Soviet Union, if only the leaders in the Kremlin will recognize the basic rights and interests involved, and the interest of all mankind in peace.

But the Atlantic Community is no longer concerned with purely military aims.  As its common undertakings grow at an ever-increasing pace, we are, and increasingly will be, partners in aid, trade, defense, diplomacy, and monetary affairs.