Third:  The things we believe in most deeply are under relentless attack.  We have the great responsibility of saving the basic moral and spiritual values of our civilization.  We have started out well—­with a program for peace that is unparalleled in history.  If we believe in ourselves and the faith we profess, we will stick to that job until it is victoriously finished.

This is a time for courage, not for grumbling and mumbling.

Now, let us take a look at the things we have to do.

The thing that is uppermost in the minds of all of us is the situation in Korea.  We must, and we will, keep up the fight there until we get the kind of armistice that will put an end to the aggression and protect the safety of our forces and the security of the Republic of Korea.  Beyond that we shall continue to work for a settlement in Korea that upholds the principles of the United Nations.

We went into Korea because we knew that Communist aggression had to be met firmly if freedom was to be preserved in the world.  We went into the fight to save the Republic of Korea, a free country, established under the United Nations.  These are our aims.  We will not give up until we attain them.

Meanwhile, we must continue to strengthen the forces of freedom throughout the world.

I hope the Senate will take early and favorable action on the Japanese peace treaty, on our security pacts with the Pacific countries, and on the agreement to bring Greece and Turkey into the North Atlantic Treaty.

We are also negotiating an agreement with the German Federal Republic under which it can play an honorable and equal part among nations and take its place in the defense of Western Europe.

But treaties and plans are only the skeleton of our defense structure.  The sinew and muscle of defense are the forces and equipment which must be provided.

In Europe we must go on helping our friends and allies to build up their military forces.  This means we must send weapons in large volume to our European allies.  I have directed that weapons for Europe be given a very high priority.  Economic aid is necessary, too, to supply the margin of difference between success and failure in making Europe a strong partner in our joint defense.

In the long run we want to see Europe freed from any dependence on our aid.  Our European allies want that just as bad as we do.  The steps that are now being taken to build European unity should help bring that about.  Six European countries are pooling their coal and steel production under the Schuman plan.  Work is going forward on the merger of European national forces on the Continent into a single army.  These great projects should become realities in 1952.

We should do all we can to help and encourage the move toward a strong and united Europe.

In Asia the new Communist empire is a daily threat to millions of people.  The peoples of Asia want to be free to follow their own way of life.  They want to preserve their culture and their traditions against communism, just as much as we want to preserve ours.  They are laboring under terrific handicaps—­poverty, ill health, feudal systems of land ownership, and the threat of internal subversion or external attack.  We can and we must increase our help to them.