our neighbors, to whom we would wish in every way to make proof of our friendship, work out their own development in peace and liberty.  Mexico has no Government.  The attempt to maintain one at the City of Mexico has broken down, and a mere military despotism has been set up which has hardly more than the semblance of national authority.  It originated in the usurpation of Victoriano Huerta, who, after a brief attempt to play the part of constitutional President, has at last cast aside even the pretense of legal right and declared himself dictator.  As a consequence, a condition of affairs now exists in Mexico which has made it doubtful whether even the most elementary and fundamental rights either of her own people or of the citizens of other countries resident within her territory can long be successfully safeguarded, and which threatens, if long continued, to imperil the interests of peace, order, and tolerable life in the lands immediately to the south of us.  Even if the usurper had succeeded in his purposes, in despite of the constitution of the Republic and the rights of its people, he would have set up nothing but a precarious and hateful power, which could have lasted but a little while, and whose eventual downfall would have left the country in a more deplorable condition than ever.  But he has not succeeded.  He has forfeited the respect and the moral support even of those who were at one time willing to see him succeed.  Little by little he has been completely isolated.  By a little every day his power and prestige are crumbling and the collapse is not far away.  We shall not, I believe, be obliged to alter our policy of watchful waiting.  And then, when the end comes, we shall hope to see constitutional order restored in distressed Mexico by the concert and energy of such of her leaders as prefer the liberty of their people to their own ambitions.

I turn to matters of domestic concern.  You already have under consideration a bill for the reform of our system of banking and currency, for which the country waits with impatience, as for something fundamental to its whole business life and necessary to set credit free from arbitrary and artificial restraints.  I need not say how earnestly I hope for its early enactment into law.  I take leave to beg that the whole energy and attention of the Senate be concentrated upon it till the matter is successfully disposed of.  And yet I feel that the request is not needed-that the Members of that great House need no urging in this service to the country.

I present to you, in addition, the urgent necessity that special provision be made also for facilitating the credits needed by the farmers of the country.  The pending currency bill does the farmers a great service.  It puts them upon an equal footing with other business men and masters of enterprise, as it should; and upon its passage they will find themselves quit of many of the difficulties which now hamper them in the field of credit.  The farmers, of course, ask and should be given no special privilege, such as extending to them the credit of the Government itself.  What they need and should obtain is legislation which will make their own abundant and substantial credit resources available as a foundation for joint, concerted local action in their own behalf in getting the capital they must use.  It is to this we should now address ourselves.