been its guide, of doing only that which is right
and honest and of good report. The question of
according or of withholding rights of belligerency
must be judged in every case in view of the particular
attending facts. Unless justified by necessity,
it is always, and justly, regarded as an unfriendly
act and a gratuitous demonstration of moral support
to the rebellion. It is necessary, and it is required,
when the interests and rights of another government
or of its people are so far affected by a pending
civil conflict as to require a definition of its relations
to the parties thereto. But this conflict must
be one which will be recognized in the sense of international
law as war. Belligerence, too, is a fact.
The mere existence of contending armed bodies and their
occasional conflicts do not constitute war in the sense
referred to. Applying to the existing condition
of affairs in Cuba the tests recognized by publicists
and writers on international law, and which have been
observed by nations of dignity, honesty, and power
when free from sensitive or selfish and unworthy motives,
I fail to find in the insurrection the existence of
such a substantial political organization, real, palpable,
and manifest to the world, having the forms and capable
of the ordinary functions of government toward its
own people and to other states, with courts for the
administration of justice, with a local habitation,
possessing such organization of force, such material,
such occupation of territory, as to take the contest
out of the category of a mere rebellious insurrection
or occasional skirmishes and place it on the terrible
footing of war, to which a recognition of belligerency
would aim to elevate it. The contest, moreover,
is solely on land; the insurrection has not possessed
itself of a single seaport whence it may send forth
its flag, nor has it any means of communication with
foreign powers except through the military lines of
its adversaries. No apprehension of any of those
sudden and difficult complications which a war upon
the ocean is apt to precipitate upon the vessels,
both commercial and national, and upon the consular
officers of other powers calls for the definition of
their relations to the parties to the contest.
Considered as a question of expediency, I regard the
accordance of belligerent rights still to be as unwise
and premature as I regard it to be, at present, indefensible
as a measure of right. Such recognition entails
upon the country according the rights which flow from
it difficult and complicated duties, and requires the
exaction from the contending parties of the strict
observance of their rights and obligations. It
confers the right of search upon the high seas by vessels
of both parties; it would subject the carrying of arms
and munitions of war, which now may be transported
freely and without interruption in the vessels of
the United States, to detention and to possible seizure;
it would give rise to countless vexatious questions,