We cannot tell when or whether the attitude of the Soviet rulers may change.  We do not know how long it may be before they show a willingness to negotiate effective control of atomic energy and honorable settlements of other world problems.  We cannot measure how deep-rooted are the Kremlin’s illusions about us.  We can be sure, however, that the rulers of the communist world will not change their basic objectives lightly or soon.

The communist rulers have a sense of time about these things wholly unlike our own.  We tend to divide our future into short spans, like the two-year life of this Congress, or the four years of the next Presidential term.  They seem to think and plan in terms of generations.  And there is, therefore, no easy, short-run way to make them see that their plans cannot prevail.

This means there is ahead of us a long hard test of strength and stamina, between the free world and the communist domain-our politics and our economy, our science and technology against the best they can do—­our liberty against their slavery—­our voluntary concert Of free nations against their forced amalgam of “people’s republics”—­our strategy against their strategy-our nerve against their nerve.

Above all, this is a test of the will and the steadiness of the people of the United States.

There has been no challenge like this in the history of our Republic.  We are called upon to rise to the occasion, as no people before us.

What is required of us is not easy.  The way we must learn to live, the world we have to live in, cannot be so pleasant, safe or simple as most of us have known before, or confidently hoped to know.

Already we have had to sacrifice a number of accustomed ways of working and of living, much nervous energy, material resources, even human life.  Yet if one thing is certain in our future, it is that more sacrifice still lies ahead.

Were we to grow discouraged now, were we to weaken and slack off, the whole structure we have built, these past eight years, would come apart and fall away.  Never then, no matter by what stringent means, could our free world regain the ground, the time, the sheer momentum, lost by such a move.  There can and should be changes and improvements in our programs, to meet new situations, serve new needs.  But to desert the spirit of our basic policies, to step back from them now, would surely start the free world’s slide toward the darkness that the communists have prophesied-toward the moment for which they watch and wait.

If we value our freedom and our way of life and want to see them safe, we must meet the challenge and accept its implications, stick to our guns and carry out our policies.

I have set out the basic conditions, as I see them, under which we have been working in the world, and the nature of our basic policies.  What, then, of the future?  The answer, I believe, is this:  As we continue to confound Soviet expectations, as our world grows stronger, more united, more attractive to men on both sides of the iron curtain, then inevitably there will come a time of change within the communist world.  We do not know how that change will come about, whether by deliberate decision in the Kremlin, by coup d’etat, by revolution, by defection of satellites, or perhaps by some unforeseen combination of factors such as these.