WORLD COURT

Our foreign policy has always been guided by two principles.  The one is the avoidance of permanent political alliances which would sacrifice our proper independence.  The other is the peaceful settlement of controversies between nations.  By example and by treaty we have advocated arbitration.  For nearly 25 years we have been a member of The Hague Tribunal, and have long sought the creation of a permanent World Court of Justice.  I am in full accord with both of these policies.  I favor the establishment of such a court intended to include the whole world.  That is, and has long been, an American policy.

Pending before the Senate is a proposal that this Government give its support to the Permanent Court of International Justice, which is a new and somewhat different plan.  This is not a partisan question.  It should not assume an artificial importance.  The court is merely a convenient instrument of adjustment to which we could go, but to which we could not be brought.  It should be discussed with entire candor, not by a political but by a judicial method, without pressure and without prejudice.  Partisanship has no place in our foreign relations.  As I wish to see a court established, and as the proposal presents the only practical plan on which many nations have ever agreed, though it may not meet every desire, I therefore commend it to the favorable consideration of the Senate, with the proposed reservations clearly indicating our refusal to adhere to the League of Nations.

RUSSIA

Our diplomatic relations, lately so largely interrupted, are now being resumed, but Russia presents notable difficulties.  We have every desire to see that great people, who are our traditional friends, restored to their position among the nations of the earth.  We have relieved their pitiable destitution with an enormous charity.  Our Government offers no objection to the carrying on of commerce by our citizens with the people of Russia.  Our Government does not propose, however, to enter into relations with another regime which refuses to recognize the sanctity of international obligations.  I do not propose to barter away for the privilege of trade any of the cherished rights of humanity.  I do not propose to make merchandise of any American principles.  These rights and principles must go wherever the sanctions of our Government go.

But while the favor of America is not for sale, I am willing to make very large concessions for the purpose of rescuing the people of Russia.  Already encouraging evidences of returning to the ancient ways of society can be detected.  But more are needed.  Whenever there appears any disposition to compensate our citizens who were despoiled, and to recognize that debt contracted with our Government, not by the Czar, but by the newly formed Republic of Russia; whenever the active spirit of enmity to our institutions is abated; whenever there appear works mete for repentance; our country ought to be the first to go to the economic and moral rescue of Russia.  We have every desire to help and no desire to injure.  We hope the time is near at hand when we can act.