justice as well as wisdom of such a policy.  No other alternative was left except the entire abandonment of our fellow-citizens who had gone to Mexico under the faith of treaties to the systematic injustice, cruelty, and oppression of Miramon’s Government.  Besides, it is almost certain that the simple authority to employ this force would of itself have accomplished all our objects without striking a single blow.  The constitutional Government would then ere this have been established at the City of Mexico, and would have been ready and willing to the extent of its ability to do us justice.

In addition—­and I deem this a most important consideration—­European Governments would have been deprived of all pretext to interfere in the territorial and domestic concerns of Mexico.  We should thus have been relieved from the obligation of resisting, even by force should this become necessary, any attempt by these Governments to deprive our neighboring Republic of portions of her territory—­a duty from which we could not shrink without abandoning the traditional and established policy of the American people.  I am happy to observe that, firmly relying upon the justice and good faith of these Governments, there is no present danger that such a contingency will happen.

Having discovered that my recommendations would not be sustained by Congress, the next alternative was to accomplish in some degree, if possible, the same objects by treaty stipulations with the constitutional Government.  Such treaties were accordingly concluded by our late able and excellent minister to Mexico, and on the 4th of January last were submitted to the Senate for ratification.  As these have not yet received the final action of that body, it would be improper for me to present a detailed statement of their provisions.  Still, I may be permitted to express the opinion in advance that they are calculated to promote the agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial interests of the country and to secure our just influence with an adjoining Republic as to whose fortunes and fate we can never feel indifferent, whilst at the same time they provide for the payment of a considerable amount toward the satisfaction of the claims of our injured fellow-citizens.

At the period of my inauguration I was confronted in Kansas by a revolutionary government existing under what is called the “Topeka constitution.”  Its avowed object was to subdue the Territorial government by force and to inaugurate what was called the “Topeka government” in its stead.  To accomplish this object an extensive military organization was formed, and its command intrusted to the most violent revolutionary leaders.  Under these circumstances it became my imperative duty to exert the whole constitutional power of the Executive to prevent the flames of civil war from again raging in Kansas, which in the excited state of the public mind, both North and South, might have extended into the neighboring States.  The