and seizures and confiscations under special imperial rescripts in the ports of other nations occupied by the armies or under the control of France.  Such it is now conceded is the character of the wrongs we suffered—­wrongs in many cases so flagrant that even their authors never denied our right to reparation.  Of the extent of these injuries some conception may be formed from the fact that after the burning of a large amount at sea and the necessary deterioration in other cases by long detention the American property so seized and sacrificed at forced sales, excluding what was adjudged to privateers before or without condemnation, brought into the French treasury upward of 24,000,000 francs, besides large custom house duties.

The subject had already been an affair of 20 years’ uninterrupted negotiation, except for a short time when France was overwhelmed by the military power of united Europe.  During this period, whilst other nations were extorting from her payment of their claims at the point of the bayonet, the United States intermitted their demand for justice out of respect to the oppressed condition of a gallant people to whom they felt under obligations for fraternal assistance in their own days of suffering and peril.  The bad effects of these protracted and unavailing discussions, were obvious, and the line of duty was to my mind equally so.

This was either to insist upon the adjustment of our claims within a reasonable period or to abandon them altogether.  I could not doubt that by this course the interests and honor of both countries would be best consulted.  Instructions were therefore given in this spirit to the minister who was sent out once more to demand reparation.

Upon the meeting of Congress in December, 1829, I felt it my duty to speak of these claims and the delays of France in terms calculated to call the serious attention of both countries to the subject.  The then French ministry took exception to the message on the ground of its containing a menace, under it was not agreeable to the French Government to negotiate.  The American minister of his own accord refuted the construction which was attempted to be put upon the message and at the same time called to the recollection of the French ministry that the President’s message was a communication addressed, not to foreign governments, but to the Congress of the United States, in which it was enjoined upon him by the Constitution to lay before that body information of the state of the Union, comprehending its foreign as well as its domestic relations, and that if in the discharge of this duty he felt it incumbent upon him to summon the attention of Congress in due time to what might be the possible consequences of existing difficulties with any foreign government, he might fairly be supposed to do so under a sense of his own Government, and not from any intention of holding a menace over a foreign power.

The views taken by him received my approbation, the French Government was satisfied, and the negotiation was continued.  It terminated in the treaty of July 4th, recognizing the justice of our claims in part and promising payment to the amount of 25,000,000 francs in six annual installments.