And so they parted in a mutual rage; Winwood adding on going out of the room, “Whatsoever I propose to you in his Majesty’s name can find with you neither goust nor grace.”

He then informed Lord Rochester that “the man was extremely distempered and extremely distasted with his Majesty.

“Some say,” he added, “that on being in England when his Majesty first came to the throne he conceived some offence, which ever since hath rankled in his heart, and now doth burst forth with more violent malice.”

Nor was the matter so small as it superficially appeared.  Dependence of one nation upon the dictation of another can never be considered otherwise than grave.  The subjection of all citizens, clerical or lay, to the laws of the land, the supremacy of the State over the Church, were equally grave subjects.  And the question of sovereignty now raised for the first time, not academically merely, but practically, was the gravest one of all.  It was soon to be mooted vigorously and passionately whether the United Provinces were a confederacy or a union; a league of sovereign and independent states bound together by treaty for certain specified purposes or an incorporated whole.  The Advocate and all the principal lawyers in the country had scarcely a doubt on the subject.  Whether it were a reasonable system or an absurd one, a vigorous or an imbecile form of government, they were confident that the Union of Utrecht, made about a generation of mankind before, and the only tie by which the Provinces were bound together at all, was a compact between sovereigns.

Barneveld styled himself always the servant and officer of the States of Holland.  To them was his allegiance, for them he spoke, wrought, and thought, by them his meagre salary was paid.  At the congress of the States-General, the scene of his most important functions, he was the ambassador of Holland, acting nominally according to their instructions, and exercising the powers of minister of foreign affairs and, as it were, prime minister for the other confederates by their common consent.  The system would have been intolerable, the great affairs of war and peace could never have been carried on so triumphantly, had not the preponderance of the one province Holland, richer, more powerful, more important in every way than the other six provinces combined, given to the confederacy illegally, but virtually, many of the attributes of union.  Rather by usucaption than usurpation Holland had in many regards come to consider herself and be considered as the Republic itself.  And Barneveld, acting always in the name of Holland and with the most modest of titles and appointments, was for a long time in all civil matters the chief of the whole country.  This had been convenient during the war, still more convenient during negotiations for peace, but it was inevitable that there should be murmurs now that the cessation from military operations on a large scale had given men time to look more deeply into the nature of a constitution partly inherited and partly improvised, and having many of the defects usually incident to both sources of government.