PG Edition of Netherlands series — Complete eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 5,745 pages of information about PG Edition of Netherlands series — Complete.

PG Edition of Netherlands series — Complete eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 5,745 pages of information about PG Edition of Netherlands series — Complete.

Therefore, in the opinion of the president, this persistence in demanding a more explicit and unlimited recognition of independence was only a pretext for continuing the war, ingeniously used by those who hated peace.

Addressing himself more particularly to the celebrated circular letter of Prince Maurice against the truce, the president maintained that the liberty of the republic was as much acknowledged in the proposed articles as if the words “for ever” had been added.  “To acknowledge liberty is an act which, by its very nature, admits of no conditions,” he observed, with considerable force.

The president proceeded to say that in the original negotiations the qualifications obtained had seemed to him enough.  As there was an ardent desire, however, on the part of many for a more explicit phraseology, as something necessary to the public safety, he had thought it worth attempting.

“We all rejoiced when you obtained it,” continued Jeannin, “but not when they agreed to renounce the names, titles, and arms of the United Provinces; for that seemed to us shameful for them beyond all example.  That princes should make concessions so entirely unworthy of their grandeur, excited at once our suspicion, for we could not imagine the cause of an offer so specious.  We have since found out the reason.”

The archdukes being unable, accordingly, to obtain for the truce those specious conditions which Spain had originally pretended to yield, it was the opinion of the old diplomatist that the king should be permitted to wear the paste substitutes about which so many idle words had been wasted.

It would be better, he thought, for the States to be contented with what was precious and substantial, and not to lose the occasion of making a good treaty of truce, which was sure to be converted with time into an absolute peace.

“It is certain,” he said, “that the princes with whom you are treating will never go to law with you to get an exposition of the article in question.  After the truce has expired, they will go to war with you if you like, but they will not trouble themselves to declare whether they are fighting you as rebels or as enemies, nor will it very much signify.  If their arms are successful, they will give you no explanations.  If you are the conquerors, they will receive none.  The fortune of war will be the supreme judge to decide the dispute; not the words of a treaty.  Those words are always interpreted to the disadvantage of the weak and the vanquished, although they may be so perfectly clear that no man could doubt them; never to the prejudice of those who have proved the validity of their rights by the strength of their arms.”

This honest, straightforward cynicism, coming from the lips of one of the most experienced diplomatists of Europe, was difficult to gainsay.  Speaking as one having authority, the president told the States-General in full assembly, that there was no law in Christendom, as between nations, but the good old fist-law, the code of brute force.

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PG Edition of Netherlands series — Complete from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.