As it so happened that Drake was just then engaged in a magnificent career of victory, sweeping the Spanish Main and startling the nearest and the most remote possessions of the King with English prowess, his defeat was not one of the cards to be relied on by the peace-party in the somewhat deceptive game which they had commenced.  Yet, strange to say, they used, or attempted to use, those splendid triumphs as if they had been disasters.

Meantime there was an active but very secret correspondence between Lord Cobham, Lord Burghley, Sir James Croft, and various subordinate personages in England, on the one side, and Champagny, President Richardot, La Motte, governor of Gravelines, Andrea de Loo, Grafigni, and other men in the obedient Provinces, more or less in Alexander’s confidence, on the other side.  Each party was desirous of forcing or wheedling the antagonist to show his hand.  “You were employed to take soundings off the English coast in the Duke of Norfolk’s time,” said Cobham to La Motte:  “you remember the Duke’s fate.  Nevertheless, her Majesty hates war, and it only depends on the King to have a firm and lasting peace.”

“You must tell Lord Cobham,” said Richardot to La Motte, “that you are not at liberty to go into a correspondence, until assured of the intentions of Queen Elizabeth.  Her Majesty ought to speak first, in order to make her good-will manifest,” and so on.

“The ‘friend’ can confer with you,” said Richardot to Champagny; “but his Highness is not to appear to know anything at all about it.  The Queen must signify her intentions.”

“You answered Champagny correctly,” said Burghley to De Loo, “as to what I said last winter concerning her Majesty’s wishes in regard to a pacification.  The Netherlands must be compelled to return to obedience to the King; but their ancient privileges are to be maintained.  You omitted, however, to say a word about toleration, in the Provinces, of the reformed religion.  But I said then, as I say now, that this is a condition indispensable to peace.”

This was a somewhat important omission on the part of De Loo, and gives the measure of his conscientiousness or his capacity as a negotiator.  Certainly for the Lord-Treasurer of England to offer, on the part of her Majesty, to bring about the reduction of her allies under the yoke which they had thrown off without her assistance, and this without leave asked of them, and with no provision for the great principle of religious liberty, which was the cause of the revolt, was a most flagitious trifling with the honour of Elizabeth and of England.  Certainly the more this mysterious correspondence is examined, the more conclusive is the justification of the vague and instinctive jealousy felt by Leicester and the States-General as to English diplomacy during the winter and spring of 1586.

Burghley summoned De Loo, accordingly, to recall to his memory all that had been privately said to him on the necessity of protecting the reformed religion in the Provinces.  If a peace were to be perpetual, toleration was indispensable, he observed, and her Majesty was said to desire this condition most earnestly.