so strict as to prevent frequent intercourse with
his friends without. Champagny was indeed believed
to be the life of the whole intrigue. The plot
was, however, forwarded by Imbize, the roaring demagogue
whose republicanism could never reconcile itself with
what he esteemed the aristocratic policy of Orange,
and whose stern puritanism could be satisfied with
nothing short of a general extermination of Catholics.
This man, after having been allowed to depart, infamous
and contemptible, from the city which he had endangered,
now ventured after five years, to return, and to engage
in fresh schemes which were even more criminal than
his previous enterprises. The uncompromising
foe to Romanism, the advocate of Grecian and Genevan
democracy, now allied himself with Champagny and with
Chimay, to effect a surrender of Flanders to Philip
and to the Inquisition. He succeeded in getting
himself elected chief senator in Ghent, and forthwith
began to use all his influence to further the secret
plot. The joint efforts and intrigues of Parma,
Champagny, Chimay, and Imbize, were near being successful.
Early, in the spring of 1584 a formal resolution was
passed by the government of Ghent, to open negotiations
with Parma. Hostages were accordingly exchanged,
and a truce of three weeks was agreed upon, during
which an animated correspondence was maintained between
the authorities of Ghent and the Prince of Chimay
on the one side, and the United States-general, the
magistracy of Antwerp, the states of Brabant, and
other important bodies on the other.
The friends of the Union and of liberty used all their
eloquence to arrest the city of Ghent in its course,
and to save the province of Flanders from accepting
the proposed arrangement with Parma. The people
of Ghent were reminded that the chief promoter of this
new negotiation was Champagny, a man who owed a deep
debt of hatred to their city, for the long, and as
he believed, the unjust confinement which he had endured
within its walls. Moreover, he was the brother
of Granvelle, source of all their woes. To take
counsel with Champagny, was to come within reach of
a deadly foe, for “he who confesses himself to
a wolf,” said the burgomasters of Antwerp, “will
get wolf’s absolution.” The Flemings
were warned by all their correspondents that it was
puerile to hope for faith in Philip; a monarch whose
first principle was, that promises to heretics were
void. They were entreated to pay no heed to the
“sweet singing of the royalists,” who
just then affected to disapprove of the practice adopted
by the Spanish Inquisition, that they might more surely
separate them from their friends. “Imitate
not,” said the magistrates of Brussels, “the
foolish sheep who made with the wolves a treaty of
perpetual amity, from which the faithful dogs were
to be excluded.” It was affirmed—and
the truth was certainly beyond peradventure—that
religious liberty was dead at the moment when the
treaty with Parma should be signed. “To