But although believed by Maurice to be himself a stipendiary of Spain, he was above suspecting the Prince of any share in the low and stupid intrigue which du Agean had imagined or disclosed.  That the Stadholder was ambitious of greater power, he hardly doubted, but that he was seeking to acquire it by such corrupt and circuitous means, he did not dream.  He confidentially communicated the plot as in duty bound to some members of the States, and had the Prince been accused in any conversation or statement of being privy to the scheme, he would have thought himself bound to mention it to him.  The story came to the ears of Maurice however, and helped to feed his wrath against the Advocate, as if he were responsible for a plot, if plot it were, which had been concocted by his own deadliest enemies.  The Prince wrote a letter alluding to this communication of Langerac and giving much alarm to that functionary.  He thought his despatches must have been intercepted and proposed in future to write always by special courier.  Barneveld thought that unnecessary except when there were more important matters than those appeared to him to be and requiring more haste.

“The letter of his Excellency,” said he to the Ambassador, “is caused in my opinion by the fact that some of the deputies to this assembly to whom I secretly imparted your letter or its substance did not rightly comprehend or report it.  You did not say that his Excellency had any such design or project, but that it had been said that the Contra-Remonstrants were entertaining such a scheme.  I would have shown the letter to him myself, but I thought it not fair, for good reasons, to make M. du Agean known as the informant.  I do not think it amiss for you to write yourself to his Excellency and tell him what is said, but whether it would be proper to give up the name of your author, I think doubtful.  At all events one must consult about it.  We live in a strange world, and one knows not whom to trust.”

He instructed the Ambassador to enquire into the foundation of these statements of du Agean and send advices by every occasion of this affair and others of equal interest.  He was however much more occupied with securing the goodwill of the French government, which he no more suspected of tampering in these schemes against the independence of the Republic than he did Maurice himself.  He relied and he had reason to rely on their steady good offices in the cause of moderation and reconciliation.  “We are not yet brought to the necessary and much desired unity,” he said, “but we do not despair, hoping that his Majesty’s efforts through M. du Maurier, both privately and publicly, will do much good.  Be assured that they are very agreeable to all rightly disposed people . . . .  My trust is that God the Lord will give us a happy issue and save this country from perdition.”  He approved of the presents to the two ladies as suggested by Langerac if by so doing the payment of the arrearages could be furthered.  He was still hopeful and confident in the justice of his cause and the purity of his conscience.  “Aerssens is crowing like a cock,” he said, “but the truth will surely prevail.”