There is not a particle of evidence, and no attempt was ever made to produce any, that the Advocate had such plan, but certainly, if ever, man had made himself master of a state, that man was Maurice.  He continued however to place himself before the world as the servant of the States-General, which he never was, either theoretically or in fact.

The French ambassadors became every day more indignant and more discouraged.  It was obvious that Aerssens, their avowed enemy, was controlling the public policy of the government.  Not only was there no satisfaction to be had for the offensive manner in which he had filled the country with his ancient grievances and his nearly forgotten charges against the Queen-Dowager and those who had assisted her in the regency, but they were repulsed at every turn when by order of their sovereign they attempted to use his good offices in favour of the man who had ever been the steady friend of France.

The Stadholder also professed friendship for that country, and referred to Colonel-General Chatillon, who had for a long time commanded the French regiments in the Netherlands, for confirmation of his uniform affection for those troops and attachment to their sovereign.

He would do wonders, he said, if Lewis would declare war upon Spain by land and sea.

“Such fruits are not ripe,” said Boississe, “nor has your love for France been very manifest in recent events.”

“Barneveld,” replied the Prince, “has personally offended me, and has boasted that he would drive me out of the country like Leicester.  He is accused of having wished to trouble the country in order to bring it back under the yoke of Spain.  Justice will decide.  The States only are sovereign to judge this question.  You must address yourself to them.”

“The States,” replied the ambassadors, “will require to be aided by your counsels.”

The Prince made no reply and remained chill and “impregnable.”  The ambassadors continued their intercessions in behalf of the prisoners both by public address to the Assembly and by private appeals to the Stadholder and his influential friends.  In virtue of the intimate alliance and mutual guarantees existing between their government and the Republic they claimed the acceptance of their good offices.  They insisted upon a regular trial of the prisoners according to the laws of the land, that is to say, by the high court of Holland, which alone had jurisdiction in the premises.  If they had been guilty of high-treason, they should be duly arraigned.  In the name of the signal services of Barneveld and of the constant friendship of that great magistrate for France, the King demanded clemency or proof of his crimes.  His Majesty complained through his ambassadors of the little respect shown for his counsels and for his friendship.  “In times past you found ever prompt and favourable action in your time of need.”

“This discourse,” said Maurice to Chatillon, “proceeds from evil intention.”