“Dear Jocher,” he said, “I am convinced one must let these people understand the matter in a little plainer German.  I am once for all determined not to let myself into any misunderstanding or even amplifications with the House of Austria in regard to the succession.  I think also that it would rather be harmful than useful to my house to take upon myself so heavy a burthen as the German crown.”

This time the German was plain enough and produced its effect.  Maximilian was too able a statesman and too conscientious a friend to wish to exchange his own proud position as chief of the League, acknowledged head of the great Catholic party, for the slippery, comfortless, and unmeaning throne of the Holy Empire, which he considered Ferdinand’s right.

The chiefs of the anti-Austrian party, especially the Prince of Anhalt and the Margrave of Anspach, in unison with the Heidelberg cabinet, were forced to look for another candidate.  Accordingly the Margrave and the Elector-Palatine solemnly agreed that it was indispensable to choose an emperor who should not be of the House of Austria nor a slave of Spain.  It was, to be sure, not possible to think of a Protestant prince.  Bavaria would not oppose Austria, would also allow too much influence to the Jesuits.  So there remained no one but the Duke of Savoy.  He was a prince of the Empire.  He was of German descent, of Saxon race, a great general, father of his soldiers, who would protect Europe against a Turkish invasion better than the bastions of Vienna could do.  He would be agreeable to the Catholics, while the Protestants could live under him without anxiety because the Jesuits would be powerless with him.  It would be a master-stroke if the princes would unite upon him.  The King of France would necessarily be pleased with it, the King of Great Britain delighted.

At last the model candidate had been found.  The Duke of Savoy having just finished for a second time his chronic war with Spain, in which the United Provinces, notwithstanding the heavy drain on their resources, had allowed him 50,000 florins a month besides the soldiers under Count Ernest of Nassau, had sent Mansfeld with 4000 men to aid the revolted estates in Bohemia.  Geographically, hereditarily, necessarily the deadly enemy of the House of Austria, he listened favourably to the overtures made to him by the princes of the Union, expressed undying hatred for the Imperial race, and thought the Bohemian revolt a priceless occasion for expelling them from power.  He was informed by the first envoy sent to him, Christopher van Dohna, that the object of the great movement now contemplated was to raise him to the Imperial throne at the next election, to assist the Bohemian estates, to secure the crown of Bohemia for the Elector-Palatine, to protect the Protestants of Germany, and to break down the overweening power of the Austrian house.