upon us.  It is an attempt to prevent us from helping the Elector-Palatine and the other Protestant princes of Germany and coreligionists everywhere against hostile violence.  For the Elector-Palatine can receive aid from us and from Great Britain through the duchies only.  It is plainly the object of the enemy to seclude us from the Palatine and the rest of Protestant Germany.  It is very suspicious that the proposition of Prince Maurice, supported by the two kings and the united princes of Germany, has been rejected.”

The Advocate knew well enough that the religious franchises granted by the House of Habsburg at the very moment in which Spain signed her peace with the Netherlands, and exactly as the mad duke of Cleve was expiring —­with a dozen princes, Catholic and Protestant, to dispute his inheritance—­would be valuable just so long as they could be maintained by the united forces of Protestantism and of national independence and no longer.  What had been extorted from the Catholic powers by force would be retracted by force whenever that force could be concentrated.  It had been necessary for the Republic to accept a twelve years’ truce with Spain in default of a peace, while the death of John of Cleve, and subsequently of Henry IV., had made the acquisition of a permanent pacification between Catholicism and Protestantism, between the League and the Union, more difficult than ever.  The so-called Thirty Years’ War—­rather to be called the concluding portion of the Eighty Years’ War —­had opened in the debateable duchies exactly at the moment when its forerunner, the forty years’ war of the Netherlands, had been temporarily and nominally suspended.  Barneveld was perpetually baffled in his efforts to obtain a favourable peace for Protestant Europe, less by the open diplomacy and military force of the avowed enemies of Protestantism than by the secret intrigues and faintheartedness of its nominal friends.  He was unwearied in his efforts simultaneously to arouse the courts of England and France to the danger to Europe from the overshadowing power of the House of Austria and the League, and he had less difficulty in dealing with the Catholic Lewis and his mother than with Protestant James.  At the present moment his great designs were not yet openly traversed by a strong Protestant party within the very republic which he administered.

“Look to it with earnestness and grave deliberation,” he said to Langerac, “that they do not pursue us there with vain importunity to accept something so notoriously inadmissible and detrimental to the common weal.  We know that from the enemy’s side every kind of unseemly trick is employed, with the single object of bringing about misunderstanding between us and the King of France.  A prompt and vigorous resolution on the part of his Majesty, to see the treaty which we made duly executed, would be to help the cause.  Otherwise, not.  We cannot here believe that his Majesty, in this first