Spain, so the Advocate thought, to reappear suddenly
in force again at a moment’s notice after the
States’ troops had been withdrawn and partially
disbanded, and it would be difficult for the many-headed
and many-tongued republic to act with similar promptness.
To withdraw without a guarantee from Spain to the
Treaty of Xanten, which had once been signed, sealed,
and all but ratified, would be to give up fifty points
in the game. Nothing but disaster could ensue.
The Advocate as leader in all these negotiations and
correspondence was ever actuated by the favourite
quotation of William the Silent from Demosthenes, that
the safest citadel against an invader and a tyrant
is distrust. And he always distrusted in these
dealings, for he was sure the Spanish cabinet was trying
to make fools of the States, and there were many ready
to assist it in the task. Now that one of the
pretenders, temporary master of half the duchies, the
Prince of Neuburg, had espoused both Catholicism and
the sister of the Archbishop of Cologne and the Duke
of Bavaria, it would be more safe than ever for Spain
to make a temporary withdrawal. Maximilian of
Bavaria was beyond all question the ablest and most
determined leader of the Catholic party in Germany,
and the most straightforward and sincere. No man
before or since his epoch had, like him, been destined
to refuse, and more than once refuse, the Imperial
crown.
Through his apostasy the Prince of Neuburg was in
danger of losing his hereditary estates, his brothers
endeavouring to dispossess him on the ground of the
late duke’s will, disinheriting any one of his
heirs who should become a convert to Catholicism.
He had accordingly implored aid from the King of Spain.
Archduke Albert had urged Philip to render such assistance
as a matter of justice, and the Emperor had naturally
declared that the whole right as eldest son belonged,
notwithstanding the will, to the Prince.
With the young Neuburg accordingly under the able
guidance of Maximilian, it was not likely that the
grasp of the Spanish party upon these all-important
territories would be really loosened. The Emperor
still claimed the right to decide among the candidates
and to hold the provinces under sequestration till
the decision should be made—that was to
say, until the Greek Kalends. The original attempt
to do this through Archduke Leopold had been thwarted,
as we have seen, by the prompt movements of Maurice
sustained by the policy of Barneveld. The Advocate
was resolved that the Emperor’s name should not
be mentioned either in the preamble or body of the
treaty. And his course throughout the simulations,
which were never negotiations, was perpetually baffled
as much by the easiness and languor of his allies
as the ingenuity of the enemy.