Thus blustered the priests and the parasites surrounding the archduke, nor need their sentiments amaze us.  Could those honest priests and parasites have ever dreamed, before the birth of this upstart republic, that merchants, manufacturers, and farmers, mechanics and advocates—­the People, in short—­should presume to meddle with affairs of state?  Their vocation had been long ago prescribed—­to dig and to draw, to brew and to bake, to bear burdens in peace and to fill bloody graves in war—­what better lot could they desire?

Meantime their superiors, especially endowed with wisdom by the Omnipotent, would direct trade and commerce, conduct war and diplomacy, make treaties, impose taxes, fill their own pockets, and govern the universe.  Was not this reasonable and according to the elemental laws?  If the beasts of the field had been suddenly gifted with speech, and had constituted themselves into a free commonwealth for the management of public affairs, they would hardly have caused more profound astonishment at Brussels and Madrid than had been excited by the proceedings of the rebellious Dutchmen.

Yet it surely might have been suggested, when the lament of the courtiers over the abjectness of the People in adversity was so emphatic, that Dorp and Van Loon, Berendrecht and Gieselles, with the men under their command, who had disputed every inch of Little Troy for three years and three months, and had covered those fatal sands with a hundred thousand corpses, had not been giving of late such evidence of the People’s cowardice in reverses as theory required.  The siege of Ostend had been finished only three years before, and it is strange that its lessons should so soon have been forgotten.

It was thought best, however, to dissemble.  Diplomacy in those days—­certainly the diplomacy of Spain and Rome—­meant simply dissimulation.  Moreover, that solid apothegm, ’haereticis non servanda fides,’ the most serviceable anchor ever forged for true believers, was always ready to be thrown out, should storm or quicksand threaten, during the intricate voyage to be now undertaken.

John Neyen soon returned to the Hague, having persuaded his masters that it was best to affect compliance with the preliminary demand of the States.  During the discussions in regard to peace, it would not be dangerous to treat with the rebel provinces as with free states, over which the archdukes pretended to no authority, because—­so it was secretly argued—­this was to be understood with a sense of similitude.  “We will negotiate with them as if they were free,” said the greyfriar to the archduke and his counsellors, “but not with the signification of true and legitimate liberty.  They have laid down in their formula that we are to pretend to no authority over them.  Very well.  For the time being we will pretend that we do not pretend to any such authority.  To negotiate with them as if they were free will not make them free.  It is no recognition by us that they are free.  Their liberty could never be acquired by their rebellion.  This is so manifest that neither the king nor the archdukes can lose any of their rights over the United Provinces, even should they make this declaration.”