defeated in Antwerp, and obliged to leave the country, covered with ignominy.  The States had then consulted William of Orange as to the course to be taken in the emergency.  The Prince had told them that their choice was triple.  They might reconcile themselves with Spain, and abandon the contest for religious liberty which they had so long been waging; they might reconcile themselves with Anjou, notwithstanding that he had so utterly forfeited all claims to their consideration; or they might fight the matter out with Spain single-handed.  The last course was, in his opinion, the most eligible one, and he was ready to sacrifice his life to its furtherance.  It was, however, indispensable, should that policy be adopted, that much larger supplies should be voted than had hitherto been raised, and, in general, that a much more extensive and elevated spirit of patriotism should manifest itself than had hitherto been displayed.

It was, on the whole, decided to make a second arrangement with the Duke of Anjou, Queen Elizabeth warmly urging that course.  At the same time, however, that articles of agreement were drawn up for the installation of Anjou as sovereign of the United Provinces, the Prince had himself consented to accept the title of Count of Holland, under an ample constitutional charter, dictated by his own lips.  Neither Anjou nor Orange lived to be inaugurated into the offices thus bestowed upon them.  The Duke died at Chateau-Thierry on the 10th June, and the Prince was assassinated a month later at Delft.

What now was the political position of the United Provinces at this juncture?  The sovereignty which had been held by the Estates, ready to be conferred respectively upon Anjou and Orange, remained in the hands of the Estates.  There was no opposition to this theory.  No more enlarged view of the social compact had yet been taken.  The people, as such, claimed no sovereignty.  Had any champion claimed it for them they would hardly have understood him.  The nation dealt with facts.  After abjuring Philip in 1581—­an act which had been accomplished by the Estates—­the same Estates in general assembly had exercised sovereign power, and had twice disposed of that sovereign power by electing a hereditary ruler.  Their right and their power to do this had been disputed by none, save by the deposed monarch in Spain.  Having the sovereignty to dispose of, it seemed logical that the Estates might keep it, if so inclined.  They did keep it, but only in trust.  While Orange lived, he might often have been elected sovereign of all the Provinces, could he have been induced to consent.  After his death, the Estates retained, ex necessitate, the sovereignty; and it will soon be related what they intended to do with it.  One thing is very certain, that neither Orange, while he lived, nor the Estates, after his death, were actuated in their policy by personal ambition.  It will be seen that the first object of the Estates was to dispossess themselves of the sovereignty which had again fallen into their hands.