There were two very obvious comments to be made upon this document.  Firstly, the States—­de jure, as they claimed, and de facto most unquestionably—­were in the position of the Emperor and King.  They were the sovereigns.  The Earl wished them to content themselves with the power which they exercised under the Emperor’s governors.  This was like requesting the Emperor, when in the Netherlands, to consider himself subject to his own governor.  The second obvious reflection was that the Earl, in limiting his authority by a state-council, expected, no doubt, to appoint that body himself—­as he had done before—­and to allow the members only the right of talking, and of voting,—­without the power of enforcing their decisions.  In short, it was very plain that Leicester meant to be more absolute than ever.

As to the flat contradiction given to Buckhurst’s proceedings in the matter of peace, that statement could scarcely deceive any one who had seen her Majesty’s letters and instructions to her envoy.

It was also a singularly deceitful course to be adopted by Leicester towards Buckhurst and towards the Netherlands, because his own private instructions, drawn up at the same moment, expressly enjoined him to do exactly what Buckhurst had been doing.  He was most strictly and earnestly commanded to deal privately with all such persons as bad influence with the “common sort of people,” in order that they should use their influence with those common people in favour of peace, bringing vividly before them the excessive burthens of the war, their inability to cope with so potent a prince as Philip, and the necessity the Queen was under of discontinuing her contributions to their support.  He was to make the same representations to the States, and he was further most explicitly to inform all concerned, that, in case they were unmoved by these suggestions, her Majesty had quite made up her mind to accept the handsome offers of peace held out by the King of Spain, and to leave them to their fate.

It seemed scarcely possible that the letter to Junius and the instructions for the Earl should have been dated the same week, and should have emanated from the same mind; but such was the fact.

He was likewise privately to assure Maurice and Hohenlo—­in order to remove their anticipated opposition to the peace—­that such care should be taken in providing for them, as that “they should have no just cause to dislike thereof, but to rest satisfied withal.”

With regard to the nature of his authority, he was instructed to claim a kind of dictatorship in everything regarding the command of the forces, and the distribution of the public treasure.  All offices were to be at his disposal.  Every florin contributed by the States was to be placed in his hands, and spent according to his single will.  He was also to have plenary power to prevent the trade in victuals with the enemy by death and confiscation.