of Orange to that dignity—­ His complaints against the great nobles—­Aerschot Governor of Flanders—­A storm brewing in Ghent—­Ryhove and Imbize—­Blood- Councillor Hessels—­Arrogance of the aristocratic party in Flanders —­Ryhove’s secret interview with Orange—­Outbreak at Ghent—­Arrest of Aerschot, Hessels, and others of the reactionary party—­The Duke liberated at demand of Orange—­The Prince’s visit to Ghent—­ Rhetorical demonstrations—­The new Brussels Union characterized—­ Treaty with England—­Articles by which Matthias is nominally constituted Governor-General—­His inauguration at Brussels—­ Brilliant and fantastic ceremonies—­Letter of Don John to the Emperor—­His anger with England—­An army collecting—­Arrival of Alexander Farnese—­Injudicious distribution of offices in the States’ army—­The States’ army fall back upon Gemblours, followed by Don John—­Tremendous overthrow of the patriots—­Wonderful disparity in the respective losses of the two armies.

While these matters were in progress, an important movement was made by the estates-general.  The Prince of Orange was formally and urgently invited to come to Brussels to aid them with his counsel and presence.  The condemned traitor had not set foot in the capital for eleven years.  We have narrated the circumstance of his departure, while the advancing trumpets of Alva’s army were almost heard in the distance.  His memorable and warning interview with Egmont has been described.  Since that period, although his spirit had always been manifesting itself in the capital like an actual presence; although he had been the magnet towards which the states throughout all their, oscillations had involuntarily vibrated, yet he had been ever invisible.  He had been summoned by the Blood Council to stand his trial, and had been condemned to death by default.  He answered the summons by a defiance, and the condemnation by two campaigns, unsuccessful in appearance, but which had in reality prostrated the authority of the sovereign.

Since that period, the representative of royalty had sued the condemned traitor for forgiveness.  The haughty brother of Philip had almost gone upon his knees, that the Prince might name his terms, and accept the proffered hand of majesty.

The Prince had refused, not from contumely, but from distrust.  He had spurned the supplications, as he had defied the proscription of the King.  There could be no friendship between the destroyer and the protector of a people.  Had the Prince desired only the reversal of his death-sentence, and the infinite aggrandizement of his family, we have seen how completely he had held these issues in his power.  Never had it been more easy, plausible, tempting, for a proscribed patriot to turn his back upon an almost sinking cause.  We have seen how his brave and subtle Batavian prototype, Civilis, dealt with the representative of Roman despotism.  The possible or impossible Netherland Republic of the first century of our era had been reluctantly abandoned, but the modern Civilis had justly more confidence in his people.