It was the determination of that great statesman, according to that which he considered the legitimate practice of the government, to restore the administration to the State Council, which executive body ought of right to be appointed by the states-general.  In the states-general, as in the states-particular, a constant care was to be taken towards strengthening the most popular element, the “community” of each city, the aggregate, that is to say, of its guild-representatives and its admitted burghers.  This was, in the opinion of the Prince, the true theory of the government—­republican in all but form—­under the hereditary protection, not the despotic authority, of a family, whose rights were now nearly forfeited.  It was a great step in advance that these views should come to be thus formally announced, not in Holland and Zealand only, but by the deputies of the states-general, although such a doctrine, to the proud stomach of Don John, seemed sufficiently repulsive.  Not less so was the cool intimation with which the paper concluded, that if he should execute his threat of resigning, the country would bear his loss with fortitude, coupled as was that statement with a declaration that, until his successor should be appointed, the State Council would consider itself charged ad interim with the government.  In the meantime, the Governor was requested not to calumniate the estates to foreign governments, as he had so recently done in his intercepted letter to the Empress-dowager.

Upon receiving this letter, “Don John,” says a faithful old chronicler, “found that the cranes had invited the frog to dinner.”  In truth, the illustrious soldier was never very successful in his efforts, for which his enemies gave him credit, to piece out the skin of the lion with that of the fox.  He now felt himself exposed and outwitted, while he did not feel conscious of any very dark design.  He answered the letter of the states by a long communication, dated from Namur Castle, 28th of August.  In style, he was comparatively temperate, but the justification which he attempted of his past conduct was not very happy.  He noticed the three different points which formed the leading articles of the accusation brought against him, the matter, namely, of the intercepted letters, of the intrigues with the German colonels, and the seizure of Namur.  He did not deny the authorship of the letters, but contented himself with a reference to their date, as if its priority to his installation as Governor furnished a sufficient palliation of the bad faith which the letters revealed.  As to the despatches of Escovedo, he denied responsibility for any statements or opinions which they might contain.  As the Secretary, however, was known to be his most confidential friend, this attempt to shuffle off his own complicity was held to be both lame and unhandsome.  As for the correspondence with the colonels, his defence was hardly more successful, and rested upon a general