I (cannot say I am surprised to hear that the controversy on the Queen of Scots is likely to continue.  Did not somebody write a defence of Nero, and yet none of his descendants remained to pretend to the empire?  If Dr. Robertson could have said more, I am sorry it will be forced from him.  He had better have said it voluntarily.  You will forgive me for thinking his subject did not demand it.  Among the very few objections to his charming work, one was, that he seemed to excuse that Queen more than was allowable, from the very papers he has printed in his Appendix; and some have thought, that though he could not disculpate her, he has diverted indignation from her, by his art in raising up pity for her and resentment against her persecutress, and by much overloading the demerits of Lord Darnley.  For my part, Dr. Mackenzie, or any body else, may write what they please against me:  I meaned to speak my mind, not to write controversy-trash seldom read but by the two opponents who write it.  Yet were I inclined to reply, like Dr. Robertson, I could say a little more.  You have mentioned, Sir, Mr. Dyer’s Fleece.  I own I think it a very insipid poem.(25) His Ruins of Rome had great picturesque spirit, and his Grongar Hill was beautiful.  His Fleece I could never get through; and from thence I suppose never heard of Dr. Mackenzie.

Your idea of a collection of ballads for the cause of liberty is very public-spirited.  I wish, Sir, I could say I thought it would answer your view.  Liberty, like other good and bad principles, can never be taught the people but when it is taught them by faction.  The mob will never sing lilibullero but in opposition to some other mob.  However, if you pursue the thought, there is an entire treasure of that kind in the library of Maudlin College, Cambridge.  It was collected by Pepys, secretary of the admiralty, and dates from the battle of Agincourt.  Give me leave to say, Sir, that it is very comfortable to me to find gentlemen of your virtue and parts attentive to what is so little the object of public attention now.  The extinction of faction, that happiness to which we owe so much of our glory and success, may not be without some inconveniences.  A free nation, perhaps, especially when arms are become so essential to our existence as a free people, may want a little opposition:  as it is a check that has preserved us so long, one cannot wholly think it dangerous; and though I would not be one to tap new resistance to a government with which I have no fault to find, yet it may not be unlucky hereafter, if those who do not wish so well to it, would a little show themselves.  They are not strong enough to hurt; they may be of service by keeping ministers in awe.  But all this is speculation, and flowed from the ideas excited in me by your letter, that is full of benevolence both to public and private.  Adieu!  Sir; believe that nobody has more esteem for you than is raised by each letter.