Charles Doane, Major General, marched in quick time to the scene.  Judge Terry had gone to the armory, Maloney and others with him.  The Law and Order troops were less than three hundred strong.  The Vigilance force numbered several thousand.  A surrender was demanded.  It would have been folly to resist, and with Terry and Maloney as prisoners, and the Law and Order troops as prisoners of war, so to say, the Vigilance forces marched back to their fortified quarters.  The arrest of Judge Terry wrought the excitement to its climax.  What would the Committee do with him? was the question asked by every one.  His residence was temporarily in Sacramento, but Stockton was his home place.  Governor Johnson was devoted to him; David S. Douglass, Secretary of State, was a bosom friend.  Hundreds in the capital city were prepared to go to any length to rescue him.  His thousands of friends in San Joaquin, everywhere in the San Joaquin Valley, were aroused to the extremity of desperation.  All over the State the feeling for Judge Terry was very strong.  Harm to him would have precipitated a domestic row, which would have caused immense sacrifice of life, and the destruction of San Francisco.  It would have extended into the interior, and raged there in bloodshed and devastation.  The peaceful way out of the difficulty was thought the better course, if it could be accomplished.  The occasion was extraordinary, and never contemplated — the exigency beyond immediate solution.  As James Dows, one of the coolest in judgment and wisest in counsel of the Executive Committee, pertinently described the situation in the pithy remark, “We started in to hunt cayotes, but we’ve got a grizzly bear on our hands, and we don’t know what to do with him.”  The Executive Committee were not themselves masters of the situation.  Behind them, subject to them and ready to obey their commands on ordinary occasions, were the 5,000 members of the Committee who carried arms, and felt themselves superior to even the Executive Committee, if occasion should happen to test the matter.  Of their number nearly one-third were of foreign nationality, and of these a considerable proportion did not very well speak English — they were of revolutionary, if not insurrectionary temper — and had participated in uprisings in their native land against the government.  Many of the native born members were of similar disposition.  It had been resolved by this element of the Committee, that if Hopkins should die, Terry must hang; and the only alternative of the Executive Committee would be to order the execution or spirit him away, at the peril of their own lives.  To hang a Justice of the highest judicial tribunal of the State, was a very serious matter to contemplate — a most hazardous extremity in any event.  If spared from the fury of their troops, by ordering the execution, their death was certain at the hands of Judge Terry’s avengers.  In this quandary, the Executive Committee were as anxious for a safe way out, without blood or sacrifice,