China and Japan. The struggle, which ended in
the eclipse of the first two, merely shifted the venue
from the Korean zone to the Manchurian zone; and from
thence gradually extended it further and further afield
until at last not only was Inner Mongolia and the
vast belt of country fronting the Great Wall embraced
within its scope, but the entire aspect of China itself
was changed. For these important facts have to
be noted. Until the Russian war of 1904-05 had
demonstrated the utter valuelessness of Tsarism as
an international military factor, Japan had been almost
willing to resign herself to a subordinate role in
the Far East. Having eaten bitter bread as the
result of her premature attempt in 1895 (after the
Korean war) to become a continental power—an
attempt which had resulted in the forced retrocession
of the Liaotung Peninsula—she had been placed
on her good behaviour, an attitude which was admirably
reflected in 1900 when her Peking Expeditionary Force
proved itself so well-behaved and so gallant as to
arouse the world’s admiration. But the
war with Russia and the collapse of the Tsar’s
Manchurian adventure not only drew her back into territory
that she never hoped to see again, but placed her
in possession of a ready-made railway system which
carried her almost up to the Sungari river and surrendered
to her military control vast grasslands stretching
to the Khingan mountains. This Westernly march
so greatly enlarged the Japanese political horizon,
and so entirely changed the Japanese viewpoint, that
the statesmen of Tokio in their excitement threw off
their ancient spectacles and found to their astonishment
that their eyes were every whit as good as European
eyes. Now seeing the world as others had long
seen it, they understood that just as with the individuals
so with nations the struggle for existence can most
easily be conducted by adopting that war-principle
of Clausewitz—the restless offensive, and
not by writing meaningless dispatches. Prior
to the Russian war they had written to Russia a magnificent
series of documents in which they had pleaded with
sincerity for an equitable settlement,—
only to find that all was in vain. Forced to battle,
they had found in combat not only success but a new
principle.
The discovery necessitated a new policy. During
the eighties, and in a lesser degree in the nineties,
Japan had apart from everything else been content
to act in a modest and retiring way, because she wished
at all costs to avoid testing too severely her immature
strength. But owing to the successive collapses
of her rivals, she now found herself not only forced
to attack as the safest course of action, but driven
to the view that the Power that exerts the maximum
pressure constantly and unremittedly is inevitably
the most successful. This conclusion had great
importance. For just as the first article of faith
for England in Asia has been the doctrine that no
Power can be permitted to seize strategic harbours