Parliament, however, remained unmoved and continued its work.  Although the draft of the Permanent Constitution had been practically completed, important additions to the text were now proposed, such additions being designed to increase parliamentary control and provide every possible precaution against arbitrary acts in the future.  Thus the new provision that a simple vote of want of confidence in the Cabinet must be followed by the President either dismissing the Cabinet or dissolving the House of Representatives—­but that the dissolution of the Lower House could not be ordered without the approval of the Senate—­was generally recognized as necessary to destroy the last vestiges of the Yuan Shih-kai regime.  Furthermore a new article, conferring on the President the right to dismiss the Premier summarily by Presidential Mandate without the counter-signature of the other Cabinet Ministers, completed the disarray of the conservatives who saw in this provision the dashing of their last hopes. [Footnote:  The final text of the Permanent Constitution as it stood on the 28th May, 1917, will be found in the appendix.  Its accuracy has been guaranteed to the writer by the speakers of the two Houses.]

By the 21st May, the last remaining Cabinet Minister—­the Minister of Education—­had resigned and the Premier was left completely isolated.  On the 23rd May the President, relying on the general support of the nation, summarily dismissed General Tuan Chi-jui from the Premiership and appointed the veteran diplomat Dr. Wu Ting-fang to act during the interim period in his stead, at the same time placing the metropolitan districts under four trustworthy Generals who were vested with provost-marshals’ powers under a system which gave them command of all the so-called “precautionary troops” holding the approaches to the capital.  The Military Governors, who a few hours before these events had left Peking precipitately in a body on the proclaimed mission of allying themselves with the redoubtable General Chang Hsun at Hsuchowfu, and threatening the safety of the Republic were, however, coolly received in the provinces in spite of all their most bitter attempts to stir up trouble.  This, however, as will be shown, had no influence on their subsequent conduct.  The quiet disappearance of the ex-Premier in the midst of this upheaval caused the report to spread that all the members of the corrupt camarilla which had surrounded him were to be arrested, but the President soon publicly disclaimed any intention of doing so,—­ which appears to have been a fatal mistake.  It is disheartening to have to state that nearly all the Allied Legations in Peking had been in intimate relations with this gang—­always excepting the American Legation whose attitude is uniformly correct—­the French Minister going so far as to entertain the Military Governors and declare, according to reports in the native press, that Parliament was of no importance at all, the only important thing being for China promptly to declare war.  That some sort of public investigation into Peking diplomacy is necessary before there can be any hope of decent relations between China and the Powers seems indisputable. [Footnote:  Since this was written certain diplomatists in Peking have been forced to resign.]