political impasse was constantly discussed, the utmost
concession the monarchists were willing to make was
to turn China into a Federal Empire with the provinces
constituted into self-governing units. The over-issue
of paper currency to make good the gaps in the National
Finance, now slowly destroyed the credit of the Central
Government and made the suspension of specie payment
a mere matter of time. By the end of February
the province of Kueichow was not only officially admitted
by the Peking Government to be in open revolt as well
as Yunnan, but rebel troops were reported to be invading
the neighbouring province of Hunan. Kwangsi was
also reported to be preparing for secession whilst
in Szechuan local troops were revolting in increasing
numbers. Rumours of an attempted assassination
of Yuan Shih-kai by means of bombs now circulated,—and
there were many arrests and suicides in the capital.
Though by a mandate issued on the 23rd February, the
enthronement ceremony was indefinitely postponed,
that move came too late. The whole country was
plainly trembling on the edge of a huge outbreak when,
less than four weeks later, Yuan Shih-kai reluctantly
and publicly admitted that the game was up. It
is understood that a fateful interview he had with
the British Minister greatly influenced him, though
the formal declaration of independence of Kwangsi
on the 16th March, whither the scholar Liang Ch’i-chao
had gone, was also a powerful argument. On the
22nd March the Emperor-elect issued the mandate categorically
cancelling the entire monarchy scheme, it being declared
that he would now form a Responsible Cabinet.
Until that date the Government Gazette had actually
perpetrated the folly of publishing side by side Imperial
Edicts and Presidential Mandates —the first
for Chinese eyes, the second for foreign consumption.
Never before even in China had such a farce been seen.
A rapid perusal of the Mandate of Cancellation will
show how lamely and poorly the retreat is made:
DECREE CANCELLING THE EMPIRE (22D MARCH)
After the establishment of the Min Kuo (i.e. the Republic),
disturbances rapidly followed one another; and a man
of little virtue like me was called to take up the
vast burden of the State. Fearing that disaster
might befall us any day, all those who had the welfare
of the country at heart advocated the reinstitution
of the monarchical system of government to the end
that a stop be put to all strife for power and a regime
of peace be inaugurated. Suggestions in this
sense have unceasingly been made to me since the days
of Kuei Chou (the year of the first Revolution, 1911)
and each time a sharp rebuke has been administered
to the one making the suggestion. But the situation
last year was indeed so different from the circumstances
of preceding years that it was impossible to prevent
the spread of such ideas.