to organize proper political parties to make use of an inviolable parliament, are also hindrances to the attainment of a constitution.  Now what have these things to do with a change in the form of the States?  If I were to go on naming such hindrances one by one, I should count my fingers many times over and I should not be through.  Yet it is quite plain that not a single one of these hindrances can be attributed to republicanism.

To say that what we cannot get under the republic can be secured immediately upon accepting a monarchical regime, or to say that what can be secured under a monarchical regime can never be secured in a republican period is beyond the understanding of a stupid man like myself, although I have searched my brain for a valid reason.

My view is that if China is really in earnest for a constitution, the President should set the example himself by treating the Constitutional Compact as sacredly inviolable and compel his subordinates to do the same.  Every letter of the compact should be carried out and no attempt should be made to step beyond its limits.

Meantime give the people as many opportunities as possible to acquaint themselves with political affairs, and do not stifle the aspirations of the people or weaken their strength or damp their interest or crush their self-respect.  Then within a few years we shall be rewarded with results.  If, instead of doing all these things, we vainly blame the form of State, we are, as Chu Tse says, like a boat that blames the creek for its curves.

The most powerful argument of those who advocate a change to a monarchy is that there is every possibility of disturbance at the time of a Presidential election.  This is a real danger.  It is for this reason that ten years ago I did not dare to associate myself with the advocates of republicanism.  If the critics want to attack me on this point to support of their contentions, I advise them not to write another article but to reprint my articles written some time ago, which, I think, will be more effective.  Fortunately, however, we have discovered a comparatively effective remedy.  For, according to the latest President Election Law the term of the President is to all intents and purposes a term for life.  It is therefore impossible for such dangers to appear during the life of the President.  What concerns us is therefore what will happen after the departure of the present President for another world.  This, of course, is a question that we do not wish to touch upon; but since every one, even the patriarchs must die some day, let us face the matter openly.  If Heaven blesses China and allows the Great President to devote himself to the country for ten or more years—­during which he will be able to assert the authority of the government, cleanse officialdom, store-up strength, consolidate the country, and banish all hidden dangers—­then there will be nothing to choose between a republic or a monarchy.  If, on the other hand, Heaven