it home; and wantonly, in the way of a pedestrian demagogue, some think; certainly to the discomposure of the comfortable and the myopely busy, who prefer to live on with a disease in the frame rather than at all be stirred.  They can, we see, pronounce a positive electoral negative; yet even they, after the eighty and odd years of our domestic perplexity, in the presence of the eighty and odd members pledged for Home Rule, have been moved to excited inquiries regarding measures—­short of the obnoxious Bill.  How much we suffer from sniffing the vain incense of that word practical, is contempt of prevision!  Many of the measures now being proposed responsively to the fretful cry for them, as a better alternative to correction by force of arms, are sound and just.  Ten years back, or at a more recent period before Mr. Parnell’s triumph in the number of his followers, they would have formed a basis for the appeasement of the troubled land.  The institution of county boards, the abolition of the detested Castle, something like the establishment of a Royal residence in Dublin, would have begun the work well.  Materially and sentimentally, they were the right steps to take.  They are now proposed too late.  They are regarded as petty concessions, insufficient and vexatious.  The lower and the higher elements in the population are fused by the enthusiasm of men who find themselves marching in full body on a road, under a flag, at the heels of a trusted leader; and they will no longer be fed with sops.  Petty concessions are signs of weakness to the unsatisfied; they prick an appetite, they do not close breaches.  If our object is, as we hear it said, to appease the Irish, we shall have to give them the Parliament their leader demands.  It might once have been much less; it may be worried into a raving, perhaps a desperate wrestling, for still more.  Nations pay Sibylline prices for want of forethought.  Mr. Parnell’s terms are embodied in Mr. Gladstone’s Bill, to which he and his band have subscribed.  The one point for him is the statutory Parliament, so that Ireland may civilly govern herself; and standing before the world as representative of his country, he addresses an applausive audience when he cites the total failure of England to do that business of government, as at least a logical reason for the claim.  England has confessedly failed; the world says it, the country admits it.  We have failed, and not because the so-called Saxon is incapable of understanding the Celt, but owing to our system, suitable enough to us, of rule by Party, which puts perpetually a shifting hand upon the reins, and invites the clamour it has to allay.  The Irish—­the English too in some degree—­have been taught that roaring; in its various forms, is the trick to open the ears of Ministers.  We have encouraged by irritating them to practise it, until it has become a habit, an hereditary profession with them.  Ministers in turn have defensively adopted the arts of beguilement,