varied by an exercise of the police.  We grew accustomed to periods of Irish fever.  The exhaustion ensuing we named tranquillity, and hoped that it would bear fruit.  But we did not plant.  The Party in office directed its attention to what was uppermost and urgent—­to that which kicked them.  Although we were living, by common consent; with a disease in the frame, eruptive at intervals, a national disfigurement always a danger, the Ministerial idea of arresting it for the purpose of healing was confined, before the passing of Mr. Gladstone’s well-meant Land Bill, to the occasional despatch of commissions; and, in fine, we behold through History the Irish malady treated as a form of British constitutional gout.  Parliament touched on the Irish only when the Irish were active as a virus.  Our later alternations of cajolery and repression bear painful resemblance to the nervous fit of rickety riders compounding with their destinations that they may keep their seats.  The cajolery was foolish, if an end was in view; the repression inefficient.  To repress efficiently we have to stifle a conscience accusing us of old injustice, and forget that we are sworn to freedom.  The cries that we have been hearing for Cromwell or for Bismarck prove the existence of an impatient faction in our midst fitter to wear the collars of those masters whom they invoke than to drop a vote into the ballot-box.  As for the prominent politicians who have displaced their rivals partly on the strength of an implied approbation of those cries, we shall see how they illumine the councils of a governing people.  They are wiser than the barking dogs.  Cromwell and Bismarck are great names; but the harrying of Ireland did not settle it, and to Germanize a Posen and call it peace will find echo only in the German tongue.  Posen is the error of a master-mind too much given to hammer at obstacles.  He has, however, the hammer.  Can it be imagined in English hands?  The braver exemplar for grappling with monstrous political tasks is Cavour, and he would not have hinted at the iron method or the bayonet for a pacification.  Cavour challenged debate; he had faith in the active intellect, and that is the thing to be prayed for by statesmen who would register permanent successes.  The Irish, it is true, do not conduct an argument coolly.  Mr. Parnell and his eighty-five have not met the Conservative leader and his following in the Commons with the gravity of platonic disputants.  But they have a logical position, equivalent to the best of arguments.  They are representatives, they would say, of a country admittedly ill-governed by us; and they have accepted the Bill of the defeated Minister as final.  Its provisions are their terms of peace.  They offer in return for that boon to take the burden we have groaned under off our hands.  If we answer that we think them insincere, we accuse these thrice accredited representatives of the Irish people of being hypocrites and crafty conspirators;