History of the Early Part of the Reign of James the Second eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 216 pages of information about History of the Early Part of the Reign of James the Second.

History of the Early Part of the Reign of James the Second eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 216 pages of information about History of the Early Part of the Reign of James the Second.

It is impossible that in a House of Commons, however composed, there should not have been many members who disapproved the principles of government announced in the speech, and who were justly alarmed at the temper in which it was conceived.  But these, overpowered by numbers, and perhaps afraid of the imputation of being concerned in plots and insurrections (an imputation which, if they had shown any spirit of liberty, would most infallibly have been thrown on them), declined expressing their sentiments; and in the short session which followed there was an almost uninterrupted unanimity in granting every demand, and acquiescing in every wish of the government.  The revenue was granted without any notice being taken of the illegal manner in which the king had levied it upon his own authority.  Argyle was stigmatised as a traitor; nor was any desire expressed to examine his declarations, one of which seemed to be purposely withheld from parliament.  Upon the communication of the Duke of Monmouth’s landing in the west that nobleman was immediately attainted by bill.  The king’s assurance was recognised as a sufficient security for the national religion; and the liberty of the press was destroyed by the revival of the statute of the 13th and 14th of Charles II.  This last circumstance, important as it is, does not seem to have excited much attention at the time, which, considering the general principles then in fashion, is not surprising.  That it should have been scarcely noticed by any historian is more wonderful.  It is true, however, that the terror inspired by the late prosecutions for libels, and the violent conduct of the courts upon such occasions, rendered a formal destruction of the liberty of the press a matter of less importance.  So little does the magistracy, when it is inclined to act tyrannically, stand in need of tyrannical laws to effect its purpose.  The bare silence and acquiescence of the legislature is in such a case fully sufficient to annihilate, practically speaking, every right and liberty of the subject.

As the grant of revenue was unanimous, so there does not appear to have been anything which can justly be styled a debate upon it, though Hume employs several pages in giving the arguments which, he affirms, were actually made use of, and, as he gives us to understand, in the House of Commons, for and against the question; arguments which, on both sides, seem to imply a considerable love of freedom and jealousy of royal power, and are not wholly unmixed even with some sentiments disrespectful to the king.  Now I cannot find, either from tradition, or from contemporary writers, any ground to think that either the reasons which Hume has adduced, or indeed any other, were urged in opposition to the grant.  The only speech made upon the occasion seems to have been that of Mr. (afterwards Sir Edward) Seymour, who, though of the Tory party, a strenuous opposer of the Exclusion Bill, and in general supposed

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History of the Early Part of the Reign of James the Second from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.