Reports reached the earl from different quarters, mostly reliable, that the return of Mr. Hogarth would not at all strengthen his party in the country.  He had but a small following, and was comparatively little known.  The county voters were mostly tenant farmers, who generally voted with their landlords.  The race of portioners, or small proprietors, was dying out in-----shire, as it is in all the British island, and large proprietors were very much opposed to Cross Hall, on account of his loose views as to the rights of property.  At Newton, however, which was a large manufacturing town of recent growth, and not a royal burgh, but which was of very great importance in the county representation, Francis Hogarth was extremely popular.  He was the real friend of the people—­the only man in the county who seemed to understand anything about the rights of labour.  The electors of Newtown felt aggrieved that they, who were far more numerous than those of any of the five royal burghs, were thrown into the county representation, where their votes did not count for one-fourth of what they would do in the burghs.  They felt personally interested in the return of Cross Hall (as he was generally called), and would not leave a stone unturned to secure it.  The non-electors of Newtown—­a still more numerous body—­regretted that they could do nothing to further his views, except by going en Masse to Ladykirk on the day of the election, and combining with the non-electors there, so as to make as great a physical demonstration as possible, for they considered that Cross Hall, if returned, would be their representative—­ready to fight their battles, and to redress their grievances.

“Be careful, Mr. Hogarth, be careful,” said Mr. Prentice, his Freeburgh agent.  “Say nothing that may awaken jealousy or mistrust among our own party.  You are much too frank in your assertion of your opinions—­correct enough, no doubt; but your people are not prepared for them, and your majority is not so large that you can afford to lose a single vote.”

“It certainly is not large in your burgh,” said Francis.

“A minority of twenty-three is the most favourable thing you can expect here—­I think twenty-four.  At Swinton there is a certain minority of fourteen, which the least imprudence on your part would double.  Auldbiggin and Plainstanes are ties at present, so your majority at Ladykirk should be large, to cover up our deficit.  We have the hardest work to do, with the least credit; we should have double pay at these losing burghs,” said Prentice, laughing.  “But, for Heaven’s sake!  Mr. Hogarth, keep your friend Sinclair quiet.  If he would only take a fever or something of that kind, to keep him in bed till he is wanted to vote, it would be a real service to the cause.  You must address the electors tonight at a public meeting, and if possible, keep Mr. Sinclair away.  We will get Mr. Hunter, and Mr. Thirlstane, and a few others, to speak in a quiet, taking way, and you need not say too much yourself, and do not make it too distinct.  I have been agent here ever since the passing of the Reform Bill, and I should know what electioneering for these burghs is.  Our people admire fine speaking—­a few flowers of rhetoric.  A little oratory and enthusiasm are very telling, but you need not pin yourself down to any definite course of action.”