religious communions, declare that the national mind
has decided against new endowments, and propose simply
to disestablish and disendow the present establishment
in Ireland without establishing or endowing any other.
The actual power, in short, by virtue of which the
Liberal party in the House of Commons is now trying
to disestablish the Irish Church, is not the power
of reason and justice, it is the power of the Nonconformists’
antipathy to Church establishments. Clearly it
is this; because Liberal statesmen, relying on the
power of reason and justice to help them, proposed
something quite different from what they now propose;
and they proposed [202] what they now propose, and
talked of the decision of the national mind, because
they had to rely on the English and Scotch Nonconformists.
And clearly the Nonconformists are actuated by antipathy
to establishments, not by antipathy to the injustice
and irrationality of the present appropriation of
Church property in Ireland; because Mr. Spurgeon, in
his eloquent and memorable letter, expressly avowed
that he would sooner leave things as they are in Ireland,
that is, he would sooner let the injustice and irrationality
of the present appropriation continue, than do anything
to set up the Roman image, that is, than give the
Catholics their fair and reasonable share of Church
property. Most indisputably, therefore, we may
affirm that the real moving power by which the Liberal
party are now operating the overthrow of the Irish
establishment is the antipathy of the Nonconformists
to Church establishments, and not the sense of reason
or justice, except so far as reason and justice may
be contained in this antipathy. And thus the
matter stands at present.
Now surely we must all see many inconveniences in
performing the operation of uprooting this evil, [203]
the Irish Church establishment, in this particular
way. As was said about industry and freedom
and gymnastics, we shall never awaken love and gratitude
by this mode of operation; for it is pursued, not in
view of reason and justice and human perfection and
all that enkindles the enthusiasm of men, but it is
pursued in view of a certain stock notion, or fetish,
of the Nonconformists, which proscribes Church establishments.
And yet, evidently, one of the main benefits to be
got by operating on the Irish Church is to win the
affections of the Irish people. Besides this,
an operation performed in virtue of a mechanical rule,
or fetish, like the supposed decision of the English
national mind against new endowments, does not easily
inspire respect in its adversaries, and make their
opposition feeble and hardly to be persisted in, as
an operation evidently done in virtue of reason and
justice might. For reason and justice have in
them something persuasive and irresistible; but a
fetish or mechanical maxim, like this of the Nonconformists,
has in it nothing at all to conciliate either the
affections or the understanding; nay, it provokes the