Yesterday I received a request from a German Independence League for my resignation, as I was born under the British flag and was supposed to be influential with the President, who has recently sent a very direct and business-like letter to Germany.  My answer was that they had mistaken my nationality.  My real name was Lange and my father had stricken out the G.!  Affectionately yours,

FRANKLIN K. LANE

TO EUGENE A. AVERY

Washington, August 2, 1915

My dear Avery,—­I am very glad to hear from you and to get your verse.  I had a glorious time at Berkeley.  I could have received no honor that would have given me greater satisfaction, but oh! as I look over that old list of professors and associate professors!  I don’t know a tenth of them, and I never heard of half of them.  How far I am removed from the scholastic life, and how far we both are from those old days when you used to sit with your pipe in your mouth, in front of your cabin, and discourse to me upon God and men!

Well, we don’t any of us know any more about God, but we know something more about man.  But after all is said and done, I guess I like him about as much, as I did in the enthusiastic days when we used to quiz old Moses.  The streak of ideality that I had then I still retain.  The reason that I have remained a Democrat is because I felt that we gave prime concern to the interests of men, as such, and had more faith that we could help on a revolution.

These are times of trial.  The well we look into is very deep.  The stars are not very bright.  It is hard to find our way, but the pilot has a good nerve.  I know the trouble that Ulysses had with Scylla and Charybdis.

Thank you, old man, very heartily for your word of cheer.  Cordially yours,

FRANKLIN K. LANE

TO JOHN F. DAVIS

Washington, August 2, 1915

My dear John,—­I am very glad to get your letter of July 28, telling me your views regarding the last note.  I believe the paragraph to which you refer was absolutely essential to make Germany understand that we meant business; that she could not have taken our opposition seriously is evidenced by her previous note, and which, I think, was as insulting as any note ever addressed by one power to another.  Think of the absurd proposition, that we should be allowed a certain number of ships to be prescribed by Germany upon which our people could sail!  Of course, if we accepted her conditions, we would have to accept the conditions that any other belligerent, or neutral, for that matter, might impose.  What becomes of a neutral’s rights under these conditions?