“However, Madame,” resumed Camors, “I may to some extent be held responsible in this matter, for though, as you justly suggest, I have not brought about this centralization, yet I confess I strongly approve the course of those who did.”

“Bravo!  So much the better, Monsieur.  I like that.  One should have his own positive opinions, and defend them.”

“Monsieur,” said Camors, “I shall make an exception in your honor, for when I dine out, and especially when I dine well, I always have the same opinion with my host; but I respect you too highly not to dare to differ with you.  Well, then, I think the revolutionary Assembly, and subsequently the First Consul, were happily inspired in imposing a vigorous centralized political administration upon France.  I believe, indeed, that it was indispensable at the time, in order to mold and harden our social body in its new form, to adjust it in its position, and fix it firmly under the new laws—­that is, to establish and maintain this powerful French unity which has become our national peculiarity, our genius and our strength.”

“You speak rightly, sir,” exclaimed Durocher.

“Parbleu I unquestionably you are right,” warmly rejoined M. des Rameures.  “Yes, that is quite true.  The excessive centralization of which I complain has had its hour of utility, nay, even of necessity, I will admit; but, Monsieur, in what human institution do you pretend to implant the absolute, the eternal?  Feudalism, also, my dear sir, was a benefit and a progress in its day, but that which was a benefit yesterday may it not become an evil to-morrow—­a danger?  That which is progress to-day, may it not one hundred years hence have become mere routine, and a downright trammel?  Is not that the history of the world?  And if you wish to know, Monsieur, by what sign we may recognize the fact that a social or political system has attained its end, I will tell you:  it is when it is manifest only in its inconveniences and abuses.  Then the machine has finished its work, and should be replaced.  Indeed, I declare that French centralization has reached its critical term, that fatal point at which, after protecting, it oppresses; at which, after vivifying, it paralyzes; at which, having saved France, it crushes her.”

“Dear uncle, you are carried away by your subject,” said Madame de Tecle.

“Yes, Elise, I am carried away, I admit, but I am right.  Everything justifies me—­the past and the present, I am sure; and so will the future, I fear.  Did I say the past?  Be assured, Monsieur de Camors, I am not a narrow-minded admirer of the past.  Though a Legitimist from personal affections, I am a downright Liberal in principles.  You know that, Durocher?  Well, then, in short, formerly between the Alps, the Rhine, and the Pyrenees, was a great country which lived, thought, and acted, not exclusively through its capital, but for itself.  It had a head, assuredly; but it had also a heart,