had prevailed over mine, and that finding my opinions were misinterpreted by him, I had resolved to hold my tongue, and had done so.  As the subject was now reopened I reminded him of a prophecy I had uttered long before, that he had missed the opportunity of governing the Parliament when he might have done so with a frown, and that step by step he would allow himself to be conducted by his easy-going disposition, until he found himself on the very verge of the abyss; that if he wished to recover his position he must begin at once to retrace his steps, or lose his footing for ever!

Such strong words (from my mouth they had been rare of late), pronounced with a slow, firm coldness, as though I were indifferent to the course he might adopt, made him feel how little capable I believed him of vigorous and sustained action, and what trifling trouble I took to make him adopt my views.  Dubois, Argenson, and Law had also spoken to him, urging him to take strong measures against the Parliament; the effect of my speech was therefore marvellous.

It was indeed high time to do something, as I have before remarked.  The Parliament, we found, after passing its last decree, had named a commission to inquire into the financial edict; this commission was working in the utmost secrecy; a number of witnesses had already been examined, and preparations were quietly making to arrest Law some fine morning, and hang him three hours after within the enclosure of the Palais de justice.

Immediately this fact became known, the Duc de la Force and Fagon (Councillor of State) went to the Regent—­’twas on the 19th of August, 1718—­and spoke to him with such effect, that he ordered them to assemble with Law that very day at my house in order to see what was to be done.  They came, in fact, and this was the first intimation I had that the Regent had begun to feel the gravity of his position, and that he was ready to do something.  In this conference at my house the firmness of Law, hitherto so great, was shaken so that tears escaped him.  Arguments did not satisfy us at first, because the question could only be decided by force, and we could not rely upon that of the Regent.  The safe-conduct with which Law was supplied would not have stopped the Parliament an instant.  On every side we were embarrassed.  Law, more dead than alive, knew not what to say; much less what to do.  His safety appeared to us the most pressing matter to ensure.  If he had been taken it would have been all over with him before the ordinary machinery of negotiation (delayed as it was likely to be by the weakness of the Regent) could have been set in motion; certainly, before there would have been leisure to think of better, or to send a regiment of guards to force open the Palais de justice; a critical remedy at all times, and grievous to the last degree, even when it succeeds; frightful, if instead of Law, only his suspended corpse had been found!