There is no question that great enthusiasm was displayed on the entrance of the Allies into Paris.  It may be praised or blamed, but the fact cannot be denied.  I closely watched all that was passing, and I observed the expression of a sentiment which I had long anticipated when, after his alliance with the daughter of the Caesars, the ambition of Bonaparte increased in proportion as it was gratified:  I clearly foresaw Napoleon’s fall.  Whoever watched the course of events during the last four years of the Empire must have observed, as I did, that from the date of Napoleon’s marriage with Maria Louisa the form of the French Government became daily more and more tyrannical and oppressive.  The intolerable height which this evil had attained is evident from the circumstance that at the end of 1813 the Legislative Body, throwing aside the mute character which it had hitherto maintained, presumed to give a lecture to him who had never before received a lecture from any one.  On the 31st of March it was recollected what had been the conduct of Bonaparte on the occasion alluded to, and those of the deputies who remained in Paris related how the gendarmes had opposed their entrance into the hall of the Assembly.  All this contributed wonderfully to irritate the public mind against Napoleon.  He had become master of France by the sword, and the sword being sheathed, his power was at an end, for no popular institution identified with the nation the new dynasty which he hoped to found.  The nation admired but did not love Napoleon, for it is impossible to love what is feared, and he had done nothing to claim the affections of France.

I was present at all the meetings and conferences which were held at M de Talleyrand’s hotel, where the Emperor Alexander had taken up his residence.  Of all the persons present at these meetings M. de Talleyrand was most disposed to retain Napoleon at the head of the Government, with restrictions on the exercise of his power.  In the existing state of things it was only possible to choose one of three courses:  first, to make peace with Napoleon, with the adoption of proper securities against him; second, to establish a Regency; and third, to recall the Bourbons.

On the 13th of March I witnessed the entrance of the Allied sovereigns into Paris, and after the procession had passed the new street of the Luxembourg I repaired straight to M. de Talleyrand’s hotel, which I reached before the Emperor Alexander, who arrived at a quarter-past one.  When his Imperial Majesty entered M. de Talleyrand’s drawing-room most of the persons assembled, and particularly the Abbe de Pradt, the Abbe de Montesquieu, and General Dessolles, urgently demanded the restoration of the Bourbons.  The Emperor did not come to any immediate decision.  Drawing me into the embrasure of a window, which looked upon the street, he made some observations which enabled me to guess what would be his determination.  “M. de Bourrienne,” said he, “you have been the friend of Napoleon, and so have I. I was his sincere friend; but there is no possibility of remaining at peace with a man of such bad faith.”  These last words opened my eyes; and when the different propositions which were made came under discussion I saw plainly that Bonaparte, in making himself Emperor, had made up the bed for the Bourbons.