Fouche had many enemies, and I was not, therefore, surprised to find some of the Ministers endeavouring to take advantage of the difference between his opinion and that of the First Consul; and it must be owned that the utter ignorance of the police respecting this event was a circumstance not very favourable to Fouche.  He, however, was like the reed in the fable—­he bent with the wind, but was soon erect again.  The most skilful actor could scarcely imitate the inflexible calmness he maintained during Bonaparte’s paroxysm of rage, and the patience with which he allowed himself to be accused.

Fouche, when afterwards conversing with me, gave me clearly to understand that he did not think the Jacobins guilty.  I mentioned this to the First Consul, but nothing could make him retract his opinion.  “Fouche,” said he, “has good reason for his silence.  He is serving his own party.  It is very natural that he should seek to screen a set of men who are polluted with blood and crimes!  He was one of their leaders.  Do not I know what he did at Lyons and the Loire?  That explains Fouche’s conduct now!”

This is the exact truth; and now let me contradict one of the thousand fictions about this event.  It has been said and printed that “the dignitaries and the Ministers were assembled at the Tuileries.  ‘Well,’ said the First Consul, advancing angrily towards Fouche, ’will you still say that this is the Royalist party?’ Fouche, better informed than was believed, answered coolly, ’Yes, certainly, I shall say so; and, what is more, I shall prove it.’  This speech caused general astonishment, but was afterwards fully borne out.”  This is pure invention.  The First Consul only said to Fouche; “I do not trust to your police; I guard myself, and I watch till two in the morning.”  This however, was very rarely the case.

On the day after the explosion of the infernal machine a considerable concourse assembled at the Tuileries.  There was absolutely a torrent of congratulations.  The prefect of the Seine convoked the twelve mayors of Paris and came at their head to wait on the First Consul.  In his reply to their address Bonaparte said, “As long as this gang of assassins confined their attacks to me personally I left the law to take its course; but since, by an unparalleled crime, they have endangered the lives of a portion of the population of Paris, their punishment must be as prompt as exemplary.  A hundred of these wretches who have libeled liberty by perpetrating crimes in her name must be effectually prevented from renewing their atrocities.”  He then conversed with the Ministers, the Councillors of State, etc., on the event of the preceding day; and as all knew the First Consul’s opinion of the authors of the crime each was eager to confirm it.  The Council was several times assembled when the Senate was consulted, and the adroit Fouche, whose conscience yielded to the delicacy of his situation, addressed to the First Consul a report worthy of a Mazarin.  At the same time the journals were filled with recollections of the Revolution, raked up for the purpose of connecting with past crimes the individuals on whom it was now wished to cast odium.  It was decreed that a hundred persons should be banished; and the senate established its character for complaisance by passing a ‘Senatus-consulte’ conformable to the wishes of the First Consul.