King of Denmark to place in the custody of England the whole of his ships and naval stores.  They were, it is true, to be kept in deposit, but the condition contained the words, “until the conclusion of a general peace,” which rendered the period of their restoration uncertain.  They were to be detained until such precautions should be no longer necessary.  A menace and its execution followed close upon this demand.  After a noble but useless resistance, and a terrific bombardment, Copenhagen surrendered, and the Danish fleet was destroyed.  It would be difficult to find in history a more infamous and revolting instance of the abuse of power against weakness.

Sometime after this event a pamphlet entitled “Germania” appeared, which I translated and sent to the Emperor.  It was eloquently written, and expressed the indignation which the conduct of England had excited in the author as in every one else.

—­["That expedition,” said Napoleon at St. Helena, “showed great energy on the part of your Ministers:  but setting aside the violation of the laws of, nations which you committed—­for in fact it was nothing but a robbery—­I think that it was; injurious to your interests, as it made the Danish nation irreconcilable enemies to you, and in fact shut you out of the north for three years.  When I heard of it I said, I am glad of it, as it will embroil England irrecoverably with the Northern Powers.  The Danes being able to join me with sixteen sail of the line was of but little consequence.  I had plenty of ships, and only wanted seamen, whom you did not take, and whom I obtained afterwards, while by the expedition your Ministers established their characters as faithless, and as persons with whom no engagements, no laws were binding.” (Voice from St. Helena.)]—­

I have stated what were the principal consequences of the Treaty of Tilsit; it is more than probable that if the bombardment of Copenhagen had preceded the treaty the Emperor would have used Prussia even worse than he did.  He might have erased her from the list of nations; but he did not do so, out of regard to the Emperor Alexander.  The destruction of Prussia was no new project with Bonaparte.  I remember an observation of his to M. Lemercier upon that subject when we first went to reside at Malmaison.  M. Lemercier had been reading to the First Consul some poem in which Frederick the Great was spoken of.  “You seem to admire him greatly,” said Bonaparte to M. Lemercier; “what do you find in him so astonishing?  He is not equal to Turenne.”—­“General,” replied M. Lemercier, “it is not merely the warrior that I esteem in Frederick; it is impossible to refrain from admiring a man who was a philosopher even on the throne.”  To this the First Consul replied, in a half ill-humoured tone, “Certainly, Lemercier; but Frederick’s philosophy shall not prevent me from erasing his kingdom from the map of Europe.”  The kingdom of Frederick the Great was not, however, obliterated from the map, because the Emperor of Russia would not basely abandon a faithful ally who had incurred with him the chances of fortune.  Prussia then bitterly had to lament the tergiversations which had prevented her from declaring herself against France during the campaign of Austerlitz.